Influenced by national Communists with whom he came in contact in Bolshevik Russia, Sevket Sureyya Aydemir developed in early republican Turkey a theory which he called theory of national emancipation movements. According to this theory, the emancipation of a colonial nation did not consist only of obtaining political sovereignty. A vanguard of revolutionary elite had to monopolize power, and lead the nation to the creation of a classless society. It was understood that the coming of this new society was the prerequisite for the success of socialist revolution in industrialized countries. Yet, although many in the Kemalist regime felt sympathetic to this theory, the regime did ultimately not endorse it. This is a significant turning point in modern Turkish history, for this response, among other indicators, shows that the new Turkish regime was willing to be a part of the European system despite the latter's record as colonizer and imperialist.

This research assesses how political legislation served as the catalyst in the transformation of Massachusetts through four specific economic stages from 1763 to 1825: fishing, privateering, global maritime commerce, and textile manufacturing. The objective of this analysis is to examine how politics forced coastal merchants to invest their commercial wealth into the burgeoning interior textile industry of the New England hinterland. Vance's mercantile model best explains European settlement of New England since multiple communities developed along the Atlantic coastline of the Massachusetts Bay region. Boston, Salem, and Newburyport emerged as entrepots, which acted as intermediaries between Europe and the frontier. The methodology analyzes academic texts by historical geographers and on-site research through shiplogs in the archives at the Peabody Essex Museum in Salem, Massachusetts. Merchant acumen, venture capital, and British technology transformed Massachusetts from the golden age of shipping to the birth of the industrial revolution in North America.

This dissertation locates the origins of the modern conservative movement in the intellectual history of the 1930s and 1940s. I argue that it was during the years of the Great Depression, when laissez-faire capitalism was most discredited, that a group of conservative academics and intellectuals began to lay the foundations for its postwar resurgence. Angered by the New Deal, those intellectual activists honed their free market ideology and began to develop a network through which to distribute it. As a result, they began to lay the intellectual and institutional foundation for the conservative movement. This dissertation recovers a number of narratives that reveal the rudimentary makings of a movement. It was during the 1930s and 1940s that economist Henry Simons worked to turn the University of Chicago's economics department into a bastion of free market sentiment; Leonard Read, after a decade of free market advocacy, created the first libertarian think tank, the Foundation for Economic Education, in 1946; legal scholar Roscoe Pound, worried by the spread of legal realism in the academy and growth of government in Washington, dramatically moved to the political right to make common cause with conservatives; Albert Jay Nock, his protégé Frank Chodorov and Felix Morley created a network of conservative writers and publications that paved the way for William F. Buckley's National Review ; and writers such as Rose Wilder Lane and Isabel Paterson made the case for laissez-faire in the pages of popular publications such as the Saturday Evening Post and the New York Herald Tribune . Historians have generally attributed the rise of the modern right to the conservative political mobilization in response to the civil rights movement, campus agitation of the 1960s, and the campaign for women's rights. As a result, historians tend to view the modern conservative movement as a distinctly postwar social and political phenomenon. This dissertation enriches that account by revealing the ties the modern conservative movement has to the years of the Great Depression and the debate over the government's role in the economy.

The New England Planters were the largest wave of Protestant migration into Nova Scotia prior to the American Revolution. Sponsored by the British government, they represent an attempt to make Nova Scotia a securely British colony in the wake of the Seven Years’ War and the Acadian deportation. Examining the experiences of several families, this thesis argues that the Planters, despite taking up lands in Nova Scotia, remained unsettled. The migration was staggered over a number of years, and Planters maintained close ties with New England. However, the Planters were unable to recreate New England culture completely. Increasing numbers of settlers from the British Isles and revolutionary suspicion marked out Planter Nova Scotia as a separate space, despite the close ties that individual Planters maintained with their homelands. The Revolution forced Planters to choose, but until then many existed between the worlds of Nova Scotia and New England.

Thesis analyses imaging of women in the Cairo graffiti field that emerged after 2011 January 25 revolution. Author raises and argument that Cairo graffiti is not only a romanticized and heroic space created as genre of freedom of expression and used as a struggle against changing political systems in Egypt, but rather a pluralistic public sphere where different opinions, ideas and arguments are emerging. Thesis distinguishes major archetypes used as predominant images of women, it analyses what features are used in constructing the "correct" role of woman. / Magistro darbas analizuoja moterų vaizdavimą Kairo miesto graffiti erdvėje. Keliant pagrindinę tezė, jog tai nėra vien tik romantizuota ir herojiška kovos prieš kintančią sistemą Egipte forma (Mubarako rėžimas, Armijos valdymas, prieštaringai vertinamo prezidento Morsi kadencija), o veikiau dinamiška bei pliuralistinė viešoji sfera, kur išreiškiamos skirtingos nuomonės, vyksta dialogai ir debatai ir kartais net „graffiti karai“. Bandoma nustatyti kokios moteriškumo įvaizdžiai bei vaidmenys naudojami konstruojant „teisingąją“ moteriškumo idėją. Analizei pasitelkiami vokiečių sociologo Jurgeno Habermaso viešosios sferos principai bei Yuval Davis lyties kaip nacionalinio simbolio konstravimo teorija; naudojami surinkti graffiti darbai gatvėse, interviu su graffiti piešėjais, moterų teisių aktyvistais. Kairo graffiti erdvė ir joje varijuojančios idėjos yra lyginama su visuomenėje vykstančiais debatais apie moters padėti, vaidmenį bei teises. Pirmoji darbo dalis iškelia tris pagrindiniu moteriškumo archetipus: moteris-tauta, moteris-mama, moteris- kekšė, - dominuojančius graffiti sferoje, kur moters atvaizdas dažnai naudojamas kaip metafora įvairių struktūrų, režimo, ar pačios šalies kritikai bei šlovinimui. Analizuojama kaip šie tipai atspindi visuomenėje vyraujančias vertybes susijusias su moters padėtimi bei elgesiu. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojama trys vyraujantys debatai susiję su moterų teisėmis ir padėtimi: seksualinis priekabiavimas, moterų teisių aktyvizmas bei tradicinis... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

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This thesis is a study of one of the most important national statesmen, politicians, and economists in the history of Turkish republic: Celal Bayar. It will analyze his impact on the Turkish revolution and the evolution of the nation's politics. Celal Bayar, Turkey's third president did not fit the mold of his country's top politicians of the day. He was essentially different from all the other key players of his generation in terms of his background, education, experience, career path, and even length of life. Those who have written about him have for the most part been either uncritical admirers or bitter enemies. Though he held, in turn, the positions of Minister of the Economy, Prime Minister and President (he was the first civilian to hold this part) during one of the most critical periods in Turkish political history. Thus, he was overshadowed by his predecessors Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Ismet Inonu. Yet his very uniqueness makes him an apt subject for study. / Celal Bayar deserves our attention because he undertook crucial responsibilities and duties in the social and economic transformation of Turkey. In an era of strong state policies that made up for the weakness of the social classes, Bayar was the founder of the nation's mixed economy. During the Turkish revolution and the subsequent formation of a united Turkish society, he devoted himself to the development of the national economy. Throughout his political career he exercised a decisive influence over the evolution of the country's politics, economy, society, and foreign relations. Despite his importance, there is a general dearth of academic studies in English about him---a situation that this study seeks to correct.

Dominant narratives of the green revolution focus on the top-down dissemination of technology produced by global scientific networks into developing regions or nations, but comparatively little scholarship has been produced regarding the forms of local knowledge which were transferred during the same process. This thesis will examine several important sites of interaction between formal scientific networks and indigenous knowledge with a focus on moments of historical transition in methodology. A main contention of this thesis is that this dissemination was not just a top-down flow of Western technology into Indian villages, but was rather a dialectical process by which class interest and reductionist science moulded the interaction between disparate knowledge systems. The focus will be an exposition of changes in research methodologies pioneered by the Rockefeller Foundation’s Indian Agriculture Program, the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics, and the founder of an indigenous knowledge database NGO, Anil Gupta.

Disertacijoje analizuojama trečiajame ir ketvirtajame XX a. dešimtmečiuose rusų porevoliucinėje emigracijoje veikusio intelektualinio ir politinio sąjūdžio - "eurazininkų" - idėjinė evoliucija. Nustatoma, kad eurazininkų sąjūdžio idėjinė transformacija (kuri dažnai apibūdinama kaip "Rusijos idėjos išsigimimas į Kremliaus mafijos pasaulinės hegemonijos idealą") buvo nulemta skirtingų koncepcijų (atstovaujamų pirmiausia N.Trubeckojaus, P.Savickio, G.Florovskio ir L.Karsavino) konkurencijos, atvedusios į 1929 m. eurazininkų judėjimo skilimą. Disertacijoje parodomas išskirtinis L.Karsavino (nuo 1928 m. gyvenusio Kaune)vaidmuo "klasikinio" eurazizmo idėjinėje evoliucijoje. / The ideological evolution of the intellectual and political movement existed in postrevolutionary Russian emigration in the third and fourth decades of the XX century is analyzed in this dissertation. The ideological transformation of the Eurasians movement (which was defined as "degeneration of Russian idea to the Kremlin mafia universal ideal of hegemony") was determined by the rivalry between different conceptions which were represented by N.Trubetzkoy, P.Savicky, G.Florovsky and L.Karsavin. L.Karsavin role (lived in Kaunas since 1928) in this dramatic movement's evolution which culmination was the split of the movement in 1929 is analyzed in this dissertation.