Disertacijoje analizuojama trečiajame ir ketvirtajame XX a. dešimtmečiuose rusų porevoliucinėje emigracijoje veikusio intelektualinio ir politinio sąjūdžio - "eurazininkų" - idėjinė evoliucija. Nustatoma, kad eurazininkų sąjūdžio idėjinė transformacija (kuri dažnai apibūdinama kaip "Rusijos idėjos išsigimimas į Kremliaus mafijos pasaulinės hegemonijos idealą") buvo nulemta skirtingų koncepcijų (atstovaujamų pirmiausia N.Trubeckojaus, P.Savickio, G.Florovskio ir L.Karsavino) konkurencijos, atvedusios į 1929 m. eurazininkų judėjimo skilimą. Disertacijoje parodomas išskirtinis L.Karsavino (nuo 1928 m. gyvenusio Kaune)vaidmuo "klasikinio" eurazizmo idėjinėje evoliucijoje. / The ideological evolution of the intellectual and political movement existed in postrevolutionary Russian emigration in the third and fourth decades of the XX century is analyzed in this dissertation. The ideological transformation of the Eurasians movement (which was defined as "degeneration of Russian idea to the Kremlin mafia universal ideal of hegemony") was determined by the rivalry between different conceptions which were represented by N.Trubetzkoy, P.Savicky, G.Florovsky and L.Karsavin. L.Karsavin role (lived in Kaunas since 1928) in this dramatic movement's evolution which culmination was the split of the movement in 1929 is analyzed in this dissertation.

The ideological evolution of the intellectual and political movement existed in postrevolutionary Russian emigration in the third and fourth decades of the XX century is analyzed in this dissertation. The ideological transformation of the Eurasians movement (which was defined as "degeneration of Russian idea to the Kremlin mafia universal idea of hegemony) was determined by the rivalry between different conceptions witc were represented by N.Tubetzkoy, P.Savicky, G.Florovsky and L.Karsavin. L.Karsavin role (lived in Kaunas since 1928) in this dramatic movement's evolution which culmination was the split of the movement in 1929 is analyzed in this dissertation. / Disertacijoje analizuojama trečiajame ir ketvirtajame XX a.dešimtmečiuose porevoluiucinėje rusų emigracijoje veikusio intelektualinio ir politinio sąjūdžio - "eurazininkų" - idėjinė evoliucija. Nustatoma, kad idėjinė eurazininkų judėjimo transformacija (kuri dažnai apibūdinama kaip "Rusijos idėjos išsigimimas į Kremliaus mafijos pasaulinės hegemonijos idealą") buvo nulemta skirtingų koncepcijų, kurioms atstovavo pirmiausia N.Trubeckojus, P.Savickis, G.Florovskis ir L.Karsavinas, konkurencijos, atvedusios į 1929 m. judėjimo skilimą. Atskirai nagrinėjamas L.Karsavino (nuo 1928 m. gyvenusio Kaune), suvaidinusio ypatingą vaidmenį klasikinio eurazizmo idėjinėje evoliucijoje, "eurazinis" palikimas.

The main aim of this dissertation has been to examine the creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's Civil War political apparatus and assess its overall contribution to the Bolshevik war effort. To this end the dissertation itself consists of 4 main chapters and a number of appendices, detailing not only the work of the main political organs of the Red Army, but also the main personalities involved. The first chapter is an introductory chapter, examining the organ, which many Soviet historians have for a long time considered to be the Bolsheviks' first attempt at the creation of a centralised political organ for the Red Army, namely the Organisation-agitation department of the All-Russian Collegiate for the Formation and Organisation of the Red Army. The work carried out for the first chapter then leads to a discussion of the work of arguably the first real attempt by the Bolsheviks to create a properly functioning political organ specifically for the Red Army, namely the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (VBVK). The chapter has been sub-divided into a number of sections, in order to allow a greater detailed examination of the work, personalities and difficulties that the central political apparatus faced in its attempts to exert some sort of control over the various constituent parts of the front political apparatus-the military commissars, the Party cells and the ever-increasing important political departments in the period 1918-1919. That VBVK was not to be a crowning success is revealed by the necessity that the Bolsheviks felt towards the beginning of 1919 to abolish VBVK and create arguably the centralised political organ of the Red Army during the Civil War period-the Political Administration of the Revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic (PUR). Created in May 1919, PUR was to face many of the same problems that had beset VBVK a year or so earlier but, on the whole, coped with them better and political and cultural-educational work in the Red Army proceeded apace. The final, conclusive chapter brings all the threads together and assesses the claims made for the political work carried out in the front-line Red Army units during 1918-1920 and, whilst admitting that the Bolsheviks did spend much time on promoting the apparatus in a number of ways, the assertions made by generations of Soviet historians concerning the overall value of the political and cultural-educational work carried out in the Red Army are still too grandiose and that there is a lack of concrete evidence available, proving the worth of the political work carried out and its positive military consequences.

Access to abstract permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / A brief summary of wartime service -- To a man, fighting like heroes -- We are all made by the same God -- Prosecuted for honor. / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / Department of History

The purpose of this study is to place the life and career of one man, John Graves Simcoe, into the context of Anglo-American frontier diplomacy in the 1790's. The American Old Northwest, with its Indian wars, foreign intrigues, and contests for hegemony was a volatile medium and it was quite often as necessary for the men making the decisions at the local level to resolve these thorny problems as it was for the diplomatists in Philadelphia and London. Simcoe was such an individual who, as Lieutenant-Governor of the newly created British province of Upper Canada, had the potential to make some impact on transatlantic diplomacy. An analysis of why and how he acted upon that potential is the main thrust of this dissertation.In order to answer the why, a complete study of Simcoe's background and experiences, particularly as a commander of Loyalist troops in the American Revolution, was necessary. A thorough search through his writings contained in manuscript collections in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada as well as his wartime journal has brought to the surface a great many clues to his attitudes toward the United States and the value of British social and political institutions. Continued research of the later writings of not only Simcoe, but of his contemporaries in Britain and North America has yielded an answer to the how. Of necessity, the scope of this phase of the work has been extended to include an analysis of the role played by the frontier Indians in the years leading up to the signing of Jay's Treaty.A modern study of all facets of Simcoe's career, especially those which have to do with the shaping of the domestic policies of Canada, is long overdue. Recognizing that need, yet wishing to focus attention on foreign affairs, the present work deals only with those points at which his administration of Upper Canada touched on AngloAmerican diplomacy.The results of the study indicate that Simcoe actually made very little impact on the history of this era, primarily because of his own ambition, his lack of any great civil, diplomatic, or even military talent, and above all, his total inability to focus his boundless energy on one scheme at a time. For all his stated opinion on foreign and domestic policy, Simcoe actually viewed everything from a quite narrow perspective and his consideration of every plan always suffered from his own egotism.Despite all of his attempts at greatness, Simcoe was a failure, not because of any lack of opportunity, but because of the defects in his own character and those cataclysmic pressures opposing him over which he had no control. The conclusion of this thesis is that no one with his qualities could have been effective and in many ways this was most fortunate. Another, more forceful man, given the same opportunities might well have been a great impediment to Anglo-American rapprochement in the 1790's.

This paper explores the art of Olga Costa and María Izquierdo. The history of the Mexican revolution is outlined and then presented again with a focus on women’s issues and involvement. Next is a discussion of national identity construction after the revolution, with attention paid to the role of the “Big Three,” muralists Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Siqueiros. While scholars often credit male artists for their involvement in this process, the contributions of female artists tend to be overlooked. Although the work of female artists is often portrayed as limited to their personal experiences, this thesis argues that women’s work subverted hegemonic narratives and images that homogenized Mexican national identity building, and thus reveal valuable perspectives on post-revolutionary Mexican society. Specific topics explored include subversions of representations of female beauty, challenging of the role of women in Mexican society and patriarchies in general, and the creative use of symbols in order to avoid objectifying women while representing themes pertaining to Mexico. This thesis engages with scholarly works that perpetuate traditional readings of Costa and Izquierdo’s work as primarily autobiographical and limited in scope as well as more progressive critiques that recognize the social significance of these artists. A variety of paintings are analyzed in detail, including Costa and Izquierdo’s portraits of nude and clothed women, Izquierdo’s series of allegorical pieces and still lifes, and Costa’s masterpiece “La Vendedora.” This thesis is written in Spanish.

Dominant narratives of the green revolution focus on the top-down dissemination of technology produced by global scientific networks into developing regions or nations, but comparatively little scholarship has been produced regarding the forms of local knowledge which were transferred during the same process. This thesis will examine several important sites of interaction between formal scientific networks and indigenous knowledge with a focus on moments of historical transition in methodology. A main contention of this thesis is that this dissemination was not just a top-down flow of Western technology into Indian villages, but was rather a dialectical process by which class interest and reductionist science moulded the interaction between disparate knowledge systems. The focus will be an exposition of changes in research methodologies pioneered by the Rockefeller Foundation’s Indian Agriculture Program, the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics, and the founder of an indigenous knowledge database NGO, Anil Gupta.

<p>"Utopian (Post)Colonies: Rewriting Race and Gender after the Haitian Revolution" examines the works of French women authors writing from just before the first abolition of slavery in the French colonies in 1794 to those writing at the time of the second and final abolition in 1848. These women, each in different and evolving ways, challenged notions of race and gender that excluded French women from political debate and participation and kept Africans and their descendants in subordinated social positions. However, even after Haitian independence, French authors continued to understand the colony as a social and political enterprise to be remodeled and ameliorated rather than abandoned. These authors' rewritings of race and gender thus played a crucial role in a more general French engagement with the idea of the colony-as-utopia.</p><p>In 1791, at the very beginning of the Haitian Revolution--which was also the beginning of France's unexpected first postcolonial moment--colonial reform, abolitionism, and women's political participation were all passionately debated issues among French revolutionaries. These debates faded in intensity as the nineteenth century progressed. Slavery, though officially abolished in 1794, was reestablished in 1802. Divorce was again made illegal in 1816. Even in 1848, when all men were granted suffrage and slavery was definitively abolished in the French colonies, women were not given the right to vote. Yet, throughout the early nineteenth century, the notion of the colony-as-utopia continued to offer a space for French women authors to imagine gender equality and women's empowerment through their attempts to alter racial hierarchy.</p><p>My first chapter examines the development of abolitionism through theatre in the writings of Olympe de Gouges (1748-1793). At a time when performance was understood to have influential moral implications, de Gouges imagines a utopian colony to be possible through the power of performance to produce moral action. In my second chapter, I analyze how, during the slowly re-emerging abolitionist movements of the 1820s, Sophie Doin (1800-1846) and Marceline Desbordes-Valmore (1786-1859) expose the individual emotional suffering of slaves in an effort to make the violence of enslavement visible. In the process of making this violence visible, Doin's <italic>La Famille noire suivie de trois nouvelles blanches et noires</italic> (1825-6) and Desbordes-Valmore's <italic>Sarah</italic> (1821), in contrast with Claire de Duras's <italic>Ourika</italic> (1823), mobilize respect for motherhood to bolster their abolitionist claims. My third chapter analyzes the colonial novels of Madame Charles Reybaud (1802-1870), a forgotten but once-popular novelist, who uses the idea of the colony to develop a feminist re-definition of marriage involving the emancipation of males from their own categories of enslavement. Influenced by the Saint-Simonian thought of the July Monarchy, Reybaud imagines a utopian colony organized by a feminized French humanitarianism that attempts to separate French racial identity from that of the "Creole" colonizer. My final chapter compares this French desire to yoke utopia to colony with nineteenth-century Haitian attempts to reveal the opposite synergy: the inseparability of the institutions of slavery and colonialism. Haiti's first novel, <italic>Stella</italic> (1859) by Émeric Bergeaud (1818-1858), opposes racial hierarchy and defends Haitian independence in the face of harsh discrimination from an international community whose economies still depended on colonialism and slavery. In contrast with the previous texts studied in this dissertation, <italic>Stella</italic> imagines Haiti to have the potential to become a utopian postcolony, a nation freed from the constraints of colonialism in such a way as to serve as a model for a future in which racial hierarchy has no power.</p> / Dissertation

In this thesis, I seek to understand the historical process by which Haiti has become a site of economic exploitation and labor coercion. I identify a remarkable continuity in the justification of economic oppression at three historical junctures: the reestablishment of plantation production under Toussaint Louverture in 1800, the agrarian development projects implemented by the American occupation 1918 and 1929, and the IMF agricultural liberalization measures implemented in between 1986/87 and 1993/94. I argue that a violent and chronically unstable juxtaposition between “civilized” elites and “uncivilized” masses creates and sustains a political system of brutal exploitation. A racialized logic lies at the heart of the civilization fantasy and maintains the economic, political and cultural configurations of peasant and proletariat oppression in Haiti.

This thesis explores the environmental movement’s controversial use of spectacular media to incite socio-ecological change. An analysis of Al Gore’s 2007 Live Earth event forms the basis for an exploration, critique, and reformulation of spectacular theory within the context of the climate crisis. An exploration of Guy Debord’s influential theory of spectacular society, as articulated in his 1967 text The Society of the Spectacle, engages Live Earth’s spectacular environmentalism with the following theoretical problem: does the spectacle simply reiterate a discourse and mode of interaction that re-inscribes the destructive network of capital and consumption by existing as a consumable object, or are the effects of the spectacle less predetermined? In the first part of this thesis, Debord’s understanding of spectacular organization provides a forceful critique of an event such as Live Earth; however, three limitations to an Debordian understanding of the contemporary spectacular commodity are identified: the suggestion that the spectacle, in the last instance, produces and reproduces a universal homogeneity that erases and negates its underlying difference; the elision of the particularly ecological question of the technology of the spectacle; and the failure to adequately theorize human agency. Given these limitations, a turn to Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s 1987 publication, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, as well as Anna Tsing’s 2005 text, Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection, is initiated in the second part of this thesis in order to construct a more fluid understanding of the way in which spectacular forms might disassemble and reassemble in both form and content. While still acknowledging the destructive influences of corporatized spectacular logic within the contemporary context of late capitalism and post-modernity, this alternative understanding of spectacle favors a more indeterminant understanding of society and spectacle. A spectacular event, such as Live Earth, is reformulated as an assemblage that contains both territories of capture and lines of flight that escape dominant codings. Contrary to Debord’s claims, a spectacular environmental event is consequently identifiable as a site of domination and oppression, as well as a site of resistance and escape.