Probably nothing I could write would better serve to introduce this study than the comments of one woman who wrote to me in answer to a questionnaire about her pastor I know nothing of her training in the field and I cannot reveal her nemo here, but some of the advice she gives night well have come from a homiletics textbook. She says:

The speaking of John Taylor influenced the lives of Latter-day Saints for five decades. He delivered between two and three thousand addresses. In those addresses he promulgated a diversity of principles concerning the kingdom of God. This study focused on Taylor's ideas regarding liberty. Those ideas were often found in Taylor's speaking between 1857 and 1867. It was a time of threatened liberties for the people he lead. His speeches during those years played a significant part in swaying politcal and military efforts, as well as bolstering Mormon determination.This study found that Taylor's ideas of liberty are based largely on his religious fundament. To Taylor, religious and poilitcal philosophy were inseparably inter-related. He believed that the Latter-day Saints had special rights. He presented his ideas to Mormon and Gentile alike in pointed, frank sermons. Taylor spoke as he lived--with great intensity.

The purpose of this study was to determine how methods of support functioned in the senate debate on the seating of Reed Smoot. In order to clarify the directions of the study, answers to the following questions were sought:1. How extensively were methods of support used by each side?2. What was the frequency of supports per assertion by each side?3. How was the use of support materials distributed among the speakers?4. How many different methods of support were used by each side?5. What were the most frequently used methods of support by each side?6. What were the least frequently used methods of support by each side?7. Did the methods of support which were used differ from the methods discussed in public speaking textbooks?8. Did the winning side differ in the use of methods of support from the losing side?

The chief purpose of this investigation is to determine the elements of speech style, the motive appeals, and the use of the elements of interest which play the most characteristic roles in twelve of Parley P. Pratt's sermons. While all the speeches that Pratt delivered have not been studied, since there are likely hundreds of them of which we have no record, it is thought that this study is sufficiently broad to warrant the conclusions that the writer has drawn.A brief biography is included as a part of this study that a better understanding of the man might be appreciated. Most of the biographical information was borrowed freely from his autobiography which was edited and published by his family in 1874.

The purpose of this thesis was to determine the public speaking style of Charles W. Penrose. The problem was investigated by using the elements of a speaking situation, the speaker, the speech, the audience, and the occasion. Three speeches were used; namely, "Remarks on Union" given on January 19, 1879, "Women Suffrage" given on June 3, 1889, and "Graphic Glimpses of Pioneer Life" given on February 4, 1924. Seven selected criteria were used as guidelines for the evaluation of the speeches; namely, accuracy, clarity, propriety, economy, force, striking quality, and liveliness.The following conclusions resulted from the evaluation of the speeches using the seven selected criteria. (1) Throughout his life his vital style never seemed to weaken. (2) His use of the direct approach showed his great insight into the needs of the people. This directness emphasized his purpose to stimulate his audiences to right actions. (3) On the whole, his speaking style was accurate, clear, appropriate, economical, and forceful. The speeches showed some striking qualities and an inward vitality compelling the audience to listen.

This dissertation argues that in two different genres, oratory and political philosophy, Cicero presents to the Roman elite a variety of possible motives for pursuing a political career, and advances his vision of legitimate political engagement. It challenges recent interpretations, first, by demonstrating how Ciceronian forensic rhetoric transcends judicial goals in pursuit of broader cultural and political aims (Chapter 1); second, by demonstrating that Cicero’s political philosophy advances a new form of elite engagement, informed by Greek ethical philosophy and contemplative pursuits (Chapters 2-4); and, third, by demonstrating that Cicero viewed philosophy as essential for rhetoric, not due to its instrumental value but as an ethical grounding for both personal behavior and public oratory (Chapter 4). The first chapter argues that in the Pro Sestio, Cicero uses the prospect of civic glory to motivate his listeners to defend the republic. The second chapter, in contrast, shows how Cicero’s first dialogue on political philosophy, the De Re Publica, downplays the motive of civic glory in favor of less mercenary motives drawn from Greek ethical philosophy, especially the attraction of virtue as its own reward. Cicero attempts to persuade his potentially resistant Roman audience, however, by adopting an initial pose of hostility towards philosophy and by putting philosophical ideas in the mouths of his Roman dialogical personae. The third chapter, on the Somnium Scipionis, argues that Cicero concludes the De Re Publica by employing the authority of Scipio to inspire his audience to study cosmology in order to acquire knowledge of the motives, ends, and means of political engagement; Scipio qualifies Laelius’s earlier argument about virtue, reevaluating it as a means to an eternal reward based on Platonic eschatology. The fourth chapter shows that in De Legibus 1, the character Marcus Cicero mounts two arguments for natural law in two different styles, one aimed at Atticus the intellectual and the other at Quintus the politician, suggesting two chief segments of his potential reading audience. Marcus concludes with an inspiring speech intended to show Atticus that philosophy demands engagement in politics and to convince Quintus that philosophic knowledge gives public oratory ethical grounding.

The 1958 gubernatorial campaign brought an end to the active political career of William Fife Knowland who, for over a quarter of a century, had served his state of California and his nation. As a member of the California State Legislature, Knowland held the offices of State Assemblyman from 1933 to 1935 and of State Senator from 1935 to 1939. In addition to these state offices, Knowland was a member of the Republican National Committee in 1938 and was chairman of the Republican National Executive Committee from 1941 to 1942. His political career was interrupted from 1942 to 1945 when he served the United States Army, rising from the rank of private to that of Major. While serving in Europe, Knowland was appointed United States Senator from California to fill an unexpired term. Elected to the office of United States Senator in 1946 and again in 1952, Knowland served as Senate leader for the Republican party from 1953 to the end of his term in 1956 when he announced his decision to run for governor of California. It was the purpose of this study to analyze and critically evaluate the use of artistic proofs in selected 1958 campaign speeches of William Fife Knowland.

California began with an Indian society which was station and provincial. From this territory Spanish invaders, seeking adventure and wealth, erected an outpost which was someday to be- A come the empire of the West." The short period of Mexican domination influenced by Spanish tradition brought a change in this empire. The search for gold, the search for new homes and ad- venture, ended the life of the sleepy province. The annexation of California to the United States meant a new life and new problems for many. Through her people and through their willing- ness to fight for their honor and their welfare, California gradually became one of the most important states in the Union.

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