Since 2000, the number of living wage ordinances has steadily increased throughout the country. While most of the current research has focused on the beneficial outcomes of living wages, little has been published on their administrative practices. To address this shortcoming, this study focused on the identification of key administrative and political factors involved impacting the implementation of living wage ordinances in Miami-Dade and Broward Counties. The study utilized a triangulation of interviews, surveys, and direct observation. The author conducted interviews of administrators and members of the living wage oversight boards in both counties and observed the monthly meetings held by each county’s oversight board from January 2006 to June 2007. These findings were buttressed with a national survey of senior staff in other living wage communities. The study utilized descriptive statistics, Chi Square, Cronbach’s Alpha, and Spearman’s Rank Correlation Coefficient (Spearman’s rho). Interviews indicated that administrators in Dade and Broward are seriously under-staffed and budgeted. Ambiguities in the enabling ordinances have lead to loopholes that undermine implementation and accountability for participating contractors. Survey results showed that policy ambiguity, organizational politics, and a lack of organizational capacity were significant negative factors in the implementation process while an organizational culture emphasizing consistent enforcement was a positive factor. Without the proper inputs, an organization hinders itself from meeting its outputs and outcomes. This study finds that Broward and Miami-Dade Counties do not provide the necessary administrative support to implement a living wage effectively – in stark contrast to the high hopes and strong political support behind their passage. For a living wage to succeed, it first needs an organizational culture committed to providing the necessary resources for implementation as well as transparent, consistent accountability mechanisms.

No description available.

No description available.

What usually goes unaddressed in the consultancy literature is an exploration of how consultants make sense of their contributions in particular when they come to work in politically laden contexts. Resulting conflictual debates with clients and colleagues severely influence how their advice is responded to. Against this background, consultants’ ability to determine and predict future outcomes of their work is hardly problematized. Additionally, consultants are mutually dependent on both colleagues and clients. This dependency underpins power differentials and the struggle which arises when these are contested can often take violent forms, such as misrecognition, humiliation or public shaming. The central argument put forward in this thesis is that tolerating (the potential for) misrecognition and/or for violence when goals are not met or when power fluctuates is an important, yet rarely mentioned, aspect for being recognized as a consultant. These aspects deserve as much attention as the often ideal-typical forms management consulting is said to take in the mainstream management literature because they speak to the irremediably incomplete and rather probabilistic nature of consultants’ advice, and the multiplicity of (often not anticipated or undesired) meanings their work evokes. In order to make sense of the flux and flow of organizational activity, the plethora of responses such activity calls out and its attendant ambiguities are considered and critically reflected upon. The theory of complex responsive processes of relating (Stacey, 2007, 2010; Griffin, 2002; Shaw, 2002), theories of recognition, (Honneth, 1994, 2008; Kearney, 2003; Ricoeur, 2005), Hegelian dialectics and neo-pragmatist thought (Bernstein, 1983, 1991) are provided as non-orthodox views on human organizing. A perspective is proffered which pays attention to the inchoate, ambivalent and indeterminate dimensions of organizing as a way to make sense of how these simultaneously and paradoxically order, regularize, and normalize human activity. Particular attention will be paid to negotiations which take place in microinteractions to exemplify that it is not pre-planned human cooperation but the intermingling of intentions of people who are mutually dependent on one another which paradoxically gives rise to regular population-wide patterns and spontaneous change. To make sense of what these insights mean for a practising consultant a view is offered where our reflections (thought) on our interactions (practice) at once form and are being formed by one another. An attempt is made to move beyond the practice/theory dualism by taking a pragmatist view which claims that thought and action only ever arise together, thus rendering an understanding of consultative intervention in which thought comes before action idealized and rather dubious. It will be argued that the most important contribution consultants can make is to try to stay radically open, and to try to keep on exploring as long as possible the multiplicity of narratives which constitute the differing perspectives of organizational reality.

Pour de nombreuses organisations aujourd’hui, les gains concurrentiels reposent sur des approches transversales de type projet. Par ailleurs, à mesure que les projets se multiplient et s’ouvrent sur leurs environnements interne et externe, le succès se conçoit de plus en plus en termes de valeur pour un nombre croissant d’acteurs ou parties prenantes impliqués directement ou indirectement dans ces projets.Dans cette perspective, l’objectif de notre recherche est de contribuer à mieux comprendre comment les gestionnaires créent les conditions favorables au bon déroulement et au succès de projets impliquant de nombreuses parties prenantes. Plus spécifiquement, le rapprochement de la littérature portant sur la politique dans les organisations, la gestion de projet et les compétences nous a conduits à nous interroger sur l’éventualité d’une compétence collective au service de la gestion politique des parties prenantes dans un projet. Appuyés sur un dispositif méthodologique de nature qualitative comprenant une vague d’entrevues préliminaires et deux études longitudinales de cas enchâssés, nous confirmons l’existence d’une véritable compétence politique et nous en décrivons pour la première fois les contours et le fonctionnement aux niveaux individuel, collectif, organisationnel et interorganisationnel. Ceci nous conduits à supporter une conceptualisation plus partagée du leadership et une approche plus authentique de la gestion des parties prenantes dans les projets comme source de performance. Nous proposons finalement quelques voies d’approfondissement pour mettre en œuvre une véritable gestion des compétences collectives politiques. / For numerous organizations today, competitive gains rely on a cross-disciplinary approach of project type. Furthermore, as projects multiply and open on their internal and external environments, success is increasingly measured in terms of value for the growing number of actors or stakeholders directly or indirectly involved in the projects.In light of this, the aim of our research is to contribute to a better understanding of how managers can create favorable conditions for good progress and the success of projects involving numerous stakeholders. More specifically, a comparison of the literature on organizational politics, project management and competence led us to question the possibility of a collective competence for the political management of project stakeholders.Based on a qualitative methodological plan, including a series of preliminary interviews and two longitudinal embedded case studies, we confirm the existence of a true political competence and, for the first time, we describe how it is shaped and how it operates at an individual, collective, organizational and inter-organizational level. This leads us to support a conceptualization of shared leadership and a more authentic approach of project stakeholder management as a source of performance. Finally, we have proposed several avenues of further research to implement real collective political competence management.

Abstract Results of analyses conducted on data collected from 1020 public bank employees. The results of research indicate as follows ¡G Dimensionality of Organizational Politics Perceptions The responses to the 31 items Perceptions of Organization Politics Scale (POPS) were subjected to principal analysis with varimax rotation. It is comprised three subscales: (1). Supervisor Behavior, (2). Coworker & General Politics Behavior, (3). Organization Policies and Practices. Dimensionality of Organizational Justice The responses to the 20 items Organization Justice Scale (Moorman , 1991) Were subjected to principal analysis with varimax rotation. It is comprised three subscales: (1). Reciprocation Justice, (2). Process Justice, (3). Allocation Justice. Dimensionality of Organizational Commitment The responses to the 15 items Organization Commitment Questionary (OCQ) (Moorman , 1991) were subjected to principal analysis with varimax rotation. It is comprised three subscales: (1). Value Commitment, (2). Effort Commitment, (3).Retention Commitment. Relationships between ¡§ Perceptions Of Organizational Politics¡¨ ¡B¡§Organizational Justice¡¨ and ¡§Organizational commitment¡¨. (1) Perception of Organizational Politics was negatively related to Organizational Commitment. (2) Perception of Organizational Politics was negatively related to Organizational Justice. (3) Organizational Justice was positively related to Organization commitment. (4) Organizational Justice was intervening variable to Perceptions of Organization Politics and Organizational commitment.

本研究旨在探討國民小學教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性，並分析學校組織政治氣候對教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之間關係的影響。本研究採用調查研究法。在預試階段以新竹縣公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發300份預試問卷，回收有效問卷224份，據以分析測量工具的信效度。在正式施測階段，以臺灣地區公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發1,458份問卷，回收有效問卷1,026份。在資料分析方面，透過描述性統計、單因子變異數分析、相關分析及階層線性模式等方法，檢測本研究問題及假設。依據研究結果，本研究獲致以下結論： 一、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之現況分析 （一）國民小學教師具有中等程度的組織政治知覺。 （二）國民小學教師具有中高程度的印象管理動機。 （三）國民小學教師具有良好程度的組織公民行為。 二、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之差異分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺會因學校規模、學歷及擔任職務之不同而有所差異。 （二）教師印象管理動機會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、學歷及擔任職務之不同 而有所差異。 （三）教師組織行為會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、年齡、服務年資及擔任職務 之不同而有所差異。 三、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺對組織公民行為具有負向的影響。 （二）教師的組織政治知覺對塑造正面印象的動機具有正向的影響。 （三）避免負面印象及塑造正面印象的動機對教師組織公民行為具有正向的影 響。 （四）教師的組織政治知覺會透過塑造正面印象的中介效果，間接對組織公民行為 產生正向的影響。 （五）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及組織公民行為的關係。 （六）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及塑造正面印象的關係。 依據研究結果，本研究針對學校行、校長及教師三方面提出相關建議： 一、對學校行政的建議 （一）形塑正向組織氣候，避免過多的政治行為。 （二）重視學校運作公平，提升成員的信任感。 （三）暢通溝通管道，避免影響團體的過度操弄。 二、對學校校長的建議 （一）妥善處理學校政治行為，避免產生負面效應。 （二）明辨成員工作行為動機，避免形成惡性競爭。 （三）正向肯定教師組織公民行為，鼓勵教師對教育工作的額外付出。 三、對學校教師的建議 （一）正向看待學校組織政治，調整自我工作心態。 （二）適時善用印象管理策略，提升工作績效表現。 （三）積極從事組織公民行為，創造個人與組織價值。 最後，本研究亦針對未來研究提出在測量工具、研究內容、研究設計及資料分析等方面的建議。 / The study investigated the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors in elementary school teachers. Moreover, this study analyzed the impact of the organizational political climate in schools on the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors. In the pretest administered in this study, a survey was conducted on public elementary school teachers in Hsinchu County. A total of 300 questionnaires were distributed, and 224 were returned. The reliability and validity of the questionnaire were tested. In the formal survey, the subjects were public elementary school teachers from across Taiwan. A total of 1,458 questionnaires were distributed, and 1,026 valid samples were returned. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, correlation analysis, and hierarchical linear models to validate the research hypotheses. Based on the results, the following conclusions were derived: 1. The perception level of teachers regarding organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) Elementary school teachers possess a middle-level perception of organizational politics. (2) Elementary school teachers possess middle-high-level impression management motives. (3) Elementary school teachers possess favorable organizational citizenship behaviors. 2. The variance analysis of teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics for teachers varies by school size, educational background, and position in school. (2) The impression management motives of teachers vary by school size, school location, gender, educational background, and position in school. (3) The organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers varies by school size, school location, gender, age, and years of service. 3. The relationships among teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics negatively affects organizational citizenship behaviors. (2) The perception of organizational politics for teachers positively affects the motivation to create a positive impression. (3) The motivation to avoid a negative impression and create a positive impression positively affects the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (4) The creation of a positive impression for teachers mediates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behaviors. (5) The organizational political climate in school moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (6) The organizational political climate moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the development of a positive impression. According to the research results, the following suggestions are proposed for school practice, principals, and teachers. 1. For school practice: (1) Establish a positive organizational climate and avoid excessive political behavior. (2) Focus on the fairness of school operations and promote the trust of members. (3) Provide unimpeded communication channels and avoid excessive manipulation by the impacting group. 2. For school principals: (1) Appropriately control the political behavior of the school to avoid negative effects. (2) Distinguish working motivation among members to avoid negative competition. (3) Positively affirm teachers’ organizational citizenship behaviors, and encourage teachers to invest additional effort in educating students. 3. For school teachers: (1) Positively address school organizational politics, and adjust one’s self-working attitude. (2) Appropriately use impression management strategies to enhance job performance. (3) Positively engage in organizational citizenship behaviors, and create personal and organizational value. Finally, this paper provides suggestions for future research, which include suggestions for measuring tools, research content, research design, and data analysis.

本研究旨在探討不當督導、上下級關係及非志願性公民行為之關係，並探究上下級關係在不當督導與非志願性公民行為之間是否具有中介效果以及權力距離、組織政治知覺在不當督導與非志願性公民行為、上下級關係與非志願性公民行為之間是否具有調節效果。 本研究採用問卷調查法，以全國507所高中職教師為樣本母群體，採分層隨機抽樣，抽出600位受試者邀請填寫網路問卷，回收有效問卷375份，所得資料分別以描述性統計、t考驗、單因子變異數分析及迴歸分析等統計方法進行資料的分析與處理，以瞭解高中職教師知覺校長不當督導與上下級關係、非志願性公民行為之現況、差異情形及上下級關係、權力距離、組織政治知覺的中介、調節效果，研究結論如下： 一、高中職教師對校長不當督導之知覺現況屬低度。 二、高中職教師上下級關係之表現程度屬中低程度。 三、高中職教師非志願性公民行為之表現程度屬中低程度。 四、學校規模等背景變項在不當督導有顯著差異，24班以下高於50班以上。 五、性別、年齡、職務及學校公私立屬性等背景變項在上下級關係上有顯著差異，男性、兼任主任的教師情感型關係顯著較高；男性、35歲以下、私立學校教師的工具型關係顯著較高。 六、本校服務年資、職務在非志願性公民行為有顯著差異，組長高於專任、服務年資6-15年高於5年以下。此外，服務總年資、學歷等二個背景變項在不當督導、上下級關係、非志願性公民行為上皆無顯著差異。 七、上下級關係在不當督導與非志願性公民行為間有部分中介效果。 八、權力距離在「不當督導」、「工具型關係」與非志願性公民行為間具有調節效果。 九、組織政治知覺只在工具型關係與非志願性公民行為間具有調節效果。 最後依據研究結果與結論，提出具體建議，以作為高中職校長以及未來研究的參考。 / The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship among principal’s Abusive Supervision (AS) and Supervisor-Subordinate GuanXi (SSG) and Compulsory Citizenship Behavior (CCB) of senior high school teachers. Furthermore, the mediating effect of SSG between AS and CCB is analyzed, And the moderating effects of Power Distance (PD) and Organizational Politics (OP) between AS and CCB, between SSG and CCB are explored in the study. A survey research was conducted using a sample of senior high school teachers in Taiwan, excluding the complete schools. 600 teachers from 570 schools were selected by stratified random sampling. 375 valid sample data collected was analyzed and processed with the methods of descriptive statistics, t-test, one-way ANOVA, multiple-regression analysis. Based on 6-point Likert Scale, the major findings of this study are as follows: 1. Teachers’ perception of principal’s abusive supervision is below average. 2. Teachers’ perception of Supervisor-Subordinate GuanXi is below average. 3. Teachers’ Compulsory Citizenship Behavior is below average. 4. One demographic variable, school size, show significant differences in AS. Teachers who work at schools with less than 24 classes show higher perceptions of AS. 5. Four demographic variables, including gender, age, position, school type, show significant differences in SSG. Teachers who are male, younger than 35, work as the director of the department, or work in private schools show higher perceptions of SSG, especially instrumental ties. 6. Two demographic variables, tenure at the present school and position, show significant differences in CCB. Teachers whose tenure at the present school is longer, who work as the chief, show higher perceptions of CCB. Furthermore, two demographic variables, tenure and education, show no significant differences in AS, SSG and CCB. 7. AS is positively related to SSG and CCB. In addition, AS has a positive direct effect on CCB, SSG has a positive direct effect on CCB. AS has a positive direct effect on SSG. SSG does have mediating effects between AS and CCB. 8. Power Distance has moderating effects between AS and CCB, between SSG and CCB. 9. Organizational Politics has moderating effects only between SSG and CCB. Based on the results of the research, suggestions for principals and future related study are proposed.

Notre travail doctoral vise à étudier l'impact du contexte social de l'organisation à un premier niveau, sur les perceptions des employés des ruptures du CP et à un second niveau, sur la performance au travail. Nous soutenons que la perception des employés de la rupture du CP est fortement subjective, et donc, qu'elle dépend majoritairement des repères sociaux que l'employé capte en observant la façon dont l'organisation traite les autres employés. S'appuyant sur ces arguments, l'existence de relations politiques au sein de l'organisation ainsi que les processus de comparaison sociale ont été plaidés comme facteurs contextuels sociaux influençant la perception des employés de la rupture du CP et leurs comportements subséquents de performance au travail. L'enquête a été réalisée sur un échantillon non aléatoire de 322 dyades subordonné-superviseur. Le test des hypothèses a démontré que le contexte social négatif est positivement associé à la rupture du CP au niveau transactionnel et au niveau relationnel. Les ruptures des CP transactionnel et relationnel ont des effets significatifs et négatifs sur les comportements volontaires et obligatoires des employés. L'effet est d'ailleurs légèrement plus fort pour les comportements volontaires que pour les comportements obligatoires. L'importance perçue des promesses non tenues a des effets modérateurs significatifs sur la relation entre la rupture des CP transactionnel et relationnel et sur les comportements volontaires des salariés. En revanche, cette importance n'a pas d'effet modérateur significatif sur la relation entre la rupture du CP et les comportements obligatoires des salariés. / The current study is aimed at investigating the impact of organizational social context on employees' perceptions of PCB and subsequent performance behaviors. We argued that employee's perception of PCB is highly subjective in nature, thus, heavily depends on social cues the employee picks up from the organization's treatment to other coworkers. Based on these arguments, organizational politics and social comparison processes (positive and negative comparisons) were argued as social contextual factors that influence employee's perception of PCB and subsequent performance behaviors. A non-random purposive sample of 322 subordinate-supervisor matching dyads, with 60% response rate, collected from various public & private organizations of Pakistan. The SR model results demonstrated that the negative social contextual factors (organizational politics & negative comparison) had significant positive associations with both transactional and relational PCB. However, the positive social contextual factor (positive comparison) had non-significant effects on both transactional and relational PCB. Both transactional and relational PCB had significant negative effects on employees' extra-role (OCB-I) and in-role behaviors, and the effect size was, slightly, greater for extra-role than in-role behaviors. Perceived importance of broken promises showed significant moderating effects only for the relationship between PCB (transactional & relational) and employees' extra-role behaviors (OCB-I) but not between PCB and in-role behaviors.

L’objectif de la recherche (dans le cadre de trois études empiriques) est d’expliquer comment la perception du contexte organisationnel politique peut être mobilisée pour améliorer la performance et la pro-activité des employés et pour réduire leurs intentions de démissionner. Notre approche théorique s’inscrit dans la théorie de l’auto-détermination (Deci & Ryan, 2000) et s’appuie sur la théorie de la conservation des ressources (Hobfoll, 2002) ainsi la théorie dite de « Human Agency » (Bandura, 2006), et la science de la psychologie positive (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014). Une étude quantitative est menée au Pakistan pour évaluer les conceptualisations formulées. Nos résultats révèlent que les employés ayant un capital psychologique élevé développent de manière durable des comportements conduisant à la performance et qu’ils demeurent proactifs dans des contextes organisationnels perçus comme fortement politiques. En même temps, ces employés subissent une vulnérabilité psychologique qui les pousse à démissionner. A l’opposé, la perception d’un contexte organisationnel politique offre aux employés politiquement doués une source d’opportunités qui satisfait leurs besoins psychologiques tout en maintenant leurs proactivités. Enfin, en prenant en compte les effets motivationnels du contexte organisationnel politique, nous avons trouvé que ce dernier gêne l’intériorisation de la motivation extrinsèque au travail. En conclusion, l’idée que les jeux politiques ne peuvent pas être éliminés dans les organisations, nous suggérons aux managers d’équiper les employés de ressources psychologiques et sociales afin d’obtenir un fonctionnement optimal à tous les niveaux / This dissertation (in a series of three empirical studies) seeks to explicate how perceived politics in organizations can be used for accomplishing effective employee performance and proactivity, and to lower employees’ intentions to quit. We ground our theoretical frameworks in self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and also borrow support from conservation of resource theory (Hobfoll, 2002), human agency (Bandura, 2006), and the science of positive psychology (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014). A quantitative survey was conducted in Pakistan to assess the proposed conceptualizations. Our findings reveal interesting patterns of relationships. We find employees with high psychological capital hold a sustainability demeanor in their performance and proactive behavior, when encountering high perceived politics. At the same time, they experience a psychological vulnerability that drives them to quit. On the contrary, perceived politics presents politically skilled employees an opportunistic / challenging turf that satisfies their innate psychological needs and uphold their proactive activities. Lastly, with regard to the motivational effects of perceived politics, we find that perceived politics hinders the internalization of extrinsic motivation at work. We conclude that employees are an integral part of an organization constituency and their well-being implies an organization’s sustainability. Since, politics cannot be eliminated we suggest managers to equip employees with psychological and social resources for the sake of optimal functioning at all levels