冷戰結束後，民族主義在世界各地呈現復興的趨勢，而從九零年代以來中國的民族主義的復興與發展，也一直是受到關注的話題與焦點，像是1997年的中共駐南斯拉夫大使館被炸事件，到現在的反日民族主義情緒高漲，這些都是民族主義情緒高漲的實際例證。但是對於民族主義，一般總是存在著許多負面的看法，因為在西方的民族主義發展歷程當中，民族主義高漲的結果將很容易的演變成極端激進形式，我們是否能將中國的民族主義輕易的套入西方的歷史情境當中，將是值得思考的問題。至於民族主義在外交中的影響力，如同惠廷(Allen S. Whiting)所言，民族主義如何影響中共外交，將取決於它國如何對待中國，也因此探討冷戰後中共對日外交政策的民族主義因素，除了分析中國民族主義興起在外交層面的作用之外，更需關注中日民族主義之間的互動趨勢，以及冷戰後中共對日外交政策的發展。本論文在分析中共對日外交政策上，關注的主要變數是民族主義發展的影響，在分析的途徑上則試圖從國際層面:如中日民族主義的互動趨勢；國內層面:如中共愛國主義的原則、官方與民間民族主義的互動；以及決策層的認知思維層面，依據多層次的分析途徑，從以上這些變數來探討冷戰後中共對日外交政策的民族主義因素，並期望藉由民族主義興起的研究，提供理解中國崛起與發展的一個觀點。

本研究旨在探討國民小學教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性，並分析學校組織政治氣候對教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之間關係的影響。本研究採用調查研究法。在預試階段以新竹縣公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發300份預試問卷，回收有效問卷224份，據以分析測量工具的信效度。在正式施測階段，以臺灣地區公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發1,458份問卷，回收有效問卷1,026份。在資料分析方面，透過描述性統計、單因子變異數分析、相關分析及階層線性模式等方法，檢測本研究問題及假設。依據研究結果，本研究獲致以下結論： 一、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之現況分析 （一）國民小學教師具有中等程度的組織政治知覺。 （二）國民小學教師具有中高程度的印象管理動機。 （三）國民小學教師具有良好程度的組織公民行為。 二、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之差異分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺會因學校規模、學歷及擔任職務之不同而有所差異。 （二）教師印象管理動機會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、學歷及擔任職務之不同 而有所差異。 （三）教師組織行為會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、年齡、服務年資及擔任職務 之不同而有所差異。 三、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺對組織公民行為具有負向的影響。 （二）教師的組織政治知覺對塑造正面印象的動機具有正向的影響。 （三）避免負面印象及塑造正面印象的動機對教師組織公民行為具有正向的影 響。 （四）教師的組織政治知覺會透過塑造正面印象的中介效果，間接對組織公民行為 產生正向的影響。 （五）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及組織公民行為的關係。 （六）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及塑造正面印象的關係。 依據研究結果，本研究針對學校行、校長及教師三方面提出相關建議： 一、對學校行政的建議 （一）形塑正向組織氣候，避免過多的政治行為。 （二）重視學校運作公平，提升成員的信任感。 （三）暢通溝通管道，避免影響團體的過度操弄。 二、對學校校長的建議 （一）妥善處理學校政治行為，避免產生負面效應。 （二）明辨成員工作行為動機，避免形成惡性競爭。 （三）正向肯定教師組織公民行為，鼓勵教師對教育工作的額外付出。 三、對學校教師的建議 （一）正向看待學校組織政治，調整自我工作心態。 （二）適時善用印象管理策略，提升工作績效表現。 （三）積極從事組織公民行為，創造個人與組織價值。 最後，本研究亦針對未來研究提出在測量工具、研究內容、研究設計及資料分析等方面的建議。 / The study investigated the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors in elementary school teachers. Moreover, this study analyzed the impact of the organizational political climate in schools on the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors. In the pretest administered in this study, a survey was conducted on public elementary school teachers in Hsinchu County. A total of 300 questionnaires were distributed, and 224 were returned. The reliability and validity of the questionnaire were tested. In the formal survey, the subjects were public elementary school teachers from across Taiwan. A total of 1,458 questionnaires were distributed, and 1,026 valid samples were returned. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, correlation analysis, and hierarchical linear models to validate the research hypotheses. Based on the results, the following conclusions were derived: 1. The perception level of teachers regarding organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) Elementary school teachers possess a middle-level perception of organizational politics. (2) Elementary school teachers possess middle-high-level impression management motives. (3) Elementary school teachers possess favorable organizational citizenship behaviors. 2. The variance analysis of teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics for teachers varies by school size, educational background, and position in school. (2) The impression management motives of teachers vary by school size, school location, gender, educational background, and position in school. (3) The organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers varies by school size, school location, gender, age, and years of service. 3. The relationships among teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics negatively affects organizational citizenship behaviors. (2) The perception of organizational politics for teachers positively affects the motivation to create a positive impression. (3) The motivation to avoid a negative impression and create a positive impression positively affects the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (4) The creation of a positive impression for teachers mediates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behaviors. (5) The organizational political climate in school moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (6) The organizational political climate moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the development of a positive impression. According to the research results, the following suggestions are proposed for school practice, principals, and teachers. 1. For school practice: (1) Establish a positive organizational climate and avoid excessive political behavior. (2) Focus on the fairness of school operations and promote the trust of members. (3) Provide unimpeded communication channels and avoid excessive manipulation by the impacting group. 2. For school principals: (1) Appropriately control the political behavior of the school to avoid negative effects. (2) Distinguish working motivation among members to avoid negative competition. (3) Positively affirm teachers’ organizational citizenship behaviors, and encourage teachers to invest additional effort in educating students. 3. For school teachers: (1) Positively address school organizational politics, and adjust one’s self-working attitude. (2) Appropriately use impression management strategies to enhance job performance. (3) Positively engage in organizational citizenship behaviors, and create personal and organizational value. Finally, this paper provides suggestions for future research, which include suggestions for measuring tools, research content, research design, and data analysis.

此篇論文之目的乃是探討品牌心理擁有感之前因與結果因素，本研究欲探討之三個與品牌相關的構念，包括公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感、品牌公民行為。第一個構念為公司品牌管理，代表能改善不同利害關係人對公司品牌認知與態度之組織作法；第二構念為品牌心理擁有感，代表能使員工對公司品牌產生所有權感受的心理狀態；第三個構念為品牌公民行為，代表員工擁有品牌導向之利他行為並將品牌精神活出來。本研究採取了兩個步驟，以探討品牌心理擁有感之前因與結果因素，本研究首先進行了公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之量表發展，其次，本研究探索了公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感、品牌公民行為與品牌權益之跨層次關係。 本研究根據Hinkin (1998)之準則進行量表發展，在公司品牌管理的部分，本研究從台灣連鎖商店的主管獲得275份樣本。在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得五項公司品牌管理的因素，包括：公司品牌管理的溝通與評估、公司品牌管理之部門間協調、公司品牌管理之領導與利害關係人互動、公司品牌管理之訓練與徵選、公司品牌管理之文化與願景，結果顯示公司品牌管理量表具有良好的穩定性與效度。 在品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為的部分，本研究從台灣連鎖商店的第一線員工獲得361份樣本。在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得三項品牌心理擁有感的因素，包括：品牌自我效能感、品牌責任感、品牌認同感與歸屬感。同樣地，在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得三項品牌公民行為的因素，包括：品牌之運動家精神與背書、品牌之幫助行為、品牌之考量與提升，結果顯示品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之量表具有良好的穩定性與效度。 從個人層次的分析結果發現，品牌心理擁有感正向影響品牌公民行為，並且大部分之品牌心理擁有感的因素正向影響品牌公民行為的因素。從跨層次的分析結果發現，公司品牌管理正向影響品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為，組織層次的品牌公民行為正向影響品牌權益。本研究亦發現，品牌心理擁有感在公司品牌管理與品牌公民行為之間扮演跨層次的中介角色。從跨層次的細部分析結果發現，許多公司品牌管理之因素正向影響品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之因素。本研究亦探討了研究結果討論、研究貢獻、研究限制與未來研究。 / This thesis aims to investigate the antecedent and consequence of brand psychological ownership. Three major constructs related to branding efforts and results studied and explored by this research include corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, and brand citizenship behavior. The first construct, corporate branding, represents practices that improve brand cognitions and brand attitude of multiple stakeholders. The second construct, brand psychological ownership, represents the psychological state that makes employees produce feeling of ownership toward the corporate brand. The third construct, brand citizenship behavior, shows that employees have brand-oriented altruistic spirit and live the brand. In order to explore the antecedent and consequence of brand psychological ownership, two major steps are conducted by this study. First, this study conducts the scale developments of corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, and brand citizenship behavior. Second, this study explores the multilevel relation between corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, brand citizenship behavior, and brand equity. The guidelines of Hinkin (1998) are followed as the procedures of scale development. As for the scale development of corporate branding, a survey conducted among a sample of 275 managers from the franchise organizations in Taiwan was undertaken. Five factors of corporate branding obtained after EFA and CFA include: communication and evaluation of corporate branding, departmental coordination of corporate branding, leadership and interaction with stakeholders of corporate branding, training and selection of corporate branding, and vision and culture of corporate branding. The results represent a scale of corporate branding with good reliability and validity. As for scale developments of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior, a survey conducted among a sample of 361 customer-facing employees from the franchise organizations in Taiwan was undertaken. Three factors of brand psychological ownership obtained after EFA and CFA include: brand self-efficacy, brand accountability and identification and belongingness of brand. Three factors of brand citizenship behavior obtained after EFA and CFA include: sportsmanship and endorsement of brand, helping behavior of brand, and consideration and enhancement of brand. The results represent scales of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior with good reliability and validity. In the individual level analyses, brand psychological ownership has a positive effect on brand citizenship behavior, and most factors of brand psychological ownership have positive effects on factors of brand citizenship behavior. In the multilevel analyses, results demonstrate that corporate branding has positive effects on brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior. Organizational-level brand citizenship behavior positively affects brand equity. It is also found that brand psychological ownership fully mediates the relationship between corporate branding and brand citizenship behavior. Detailed analyses show that many factors of corporate branding have positive effects on different factors of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior. Most factors of brand psychological ownership positively affect factors of brand citizenship behavior. Discussion, contributions, implication, limitation, and future study are also discussed.

法律繼受是近代企求變法圖強國家的典型產物，繼受過程可能產生多元的面貌，然而在多元的面貌背後，往往是以新舊思維的競爭與掙扎為代價，付出難以估量的社會成本。由於繼受過程中的不確定性、持續性，進一步將問題複雜化，如何減少新的法律文化分娩的陣痛，是所有繼受法律體制應該思考的問題。 作為民初最高審判機關的大理院，在政局混沌、立法機制未能正常運作、民事法律不足的情勢下，成為一個重要的轉型期司法機制。大理院做為一個司法機關，卻積極透過判例體系的建構等具有實質立法傾向的方式，為不少民事規範的創設代庖，並不是常態的權力分立作法，但是卻形成了特殊的民事法律整合機制，而這正是法律繼受值得加以探討的課題。 除了大理院的組織、職能、人事素質等課題以外，本文將從實質與形式層面進行大理院民事判決的實證分析。西法東漸後，法律漸將倫理意義上的人格與法律意義上的人格區分開來，從強調身分秩序的差等性轉向近代平權立法。實質面上，本文將焦點內化到大理院的實際運作過程，討論平權理念如何在司法運作中獲得實現，大理院如何因應近代法律體制、憲政架構的要求，求取個人與家族倫理秩序的協調。在形式面上，不能僅將大理院對於近代法學方法與法律原則的引介，視為只是一種形式的操作，事實上這種西方式的司法程序、法律原則、法學方法的引介，往往改變舊有規範的適用情境，促成了平權理念實現。 本文認為法律繼受的核心是一個心理機制的問題。這個問題可以分成兩個層次：第一個層次是研究法律繼受必須透過多層次的分析方法，繼受是長期社會變遷過程，除了對於被繼受法律進行法律辨識工作、從事體系化的立法行為以外，也必須設法對於法律繼受的作用機制加以釐清，才可能達成繼受的社會目的。第二個層次則是從法意識深化的角度加強繼受的實效，真正意義的繼受在於法律意識的「內化」，我們必須區分不同社會成員的不同法意識層次，相應的設計出不同的法意識深化管道。這個過程可以透過某些制度性設計加以催化，司法機制就是一種「議題化」的制度性設計；將爭點「議題化」之後，可以使規範或個案的實質合理性放在一個可檢證的場域中接受檢視，這個過程可能改變了規範的適用情境，且透過社群成員參與的可能性，促進法律意識的深化。 轉型期司法機制常被賦與有效導引社會變革的期待，但轉型期司法機制必須面對特殊的角色困境，某些變革也不一定適合由司法機關來主導，綜合前述的實證分析，本文將嘗試釐清由司法機制導引社會變革會不會淪為一種落空的期待。

台灣民主轉型的成功除執政菁英的主動變革外，公民參與政治和支持改革亦有其重要性。有鑑於逐年下滑的投票率和工具性社團參與率，本研究主要從制度變遷與社會資本論點來進行探討，以縣市層次制度變項為自變項，三類型社會資本為中介變項，投票與競選活動參與為依變項，目的在了解於民主鞏固時期前後，社會資本的分佈狀況和影響社會資本、政治參與的因素，以提升民眾的社會和政治參與。中介變項與依變項資料來自1993年與2005年台灣社會變遷調查資料(TSCS)，自變項資料整合自臺灣地區社會意向調查、各縣市社福資訊與政大選研中心資料庫，主要採用多層次迴歸與邏輯迴歸分析模型來分析資料。 在社會資本分布變化上，結合式社會資本與工具性社參未有顯著改變，情感性社參則顯著增加。相較於情感性社團參與，工具性社團參與的比例較高，在兩個年代中，民眾參與工具性社團比例約在22%左右。在社團內異質性資源分佈上，不同社團的年齡異質性與性別異質性隨不同時期而有所變化。相對地，各類社團在成員的教育、收入與族群組成上反而較為穩定。由於在2005年，民眾教育與收入顯著較1993年為高，意謂著在民主鞏固時期，團體參與者可接觸的社團內異質性資源較多。 並非所有社會資本皆受外在制度所影響，研究結果顯示出國家制度較難影響立基於儒家文化的結合式社會資本。在民主鞏固時期前，縣市執政評價氛圍與生活扶助資源如理論所預期，可影響民眾的情感性社會參與，但其影響力似乎亦有減弱情形。一致性社福資源雖對工具性社團參與有跨期影響力，但卻產生資源排擠效果，而非是資源溢注效果。 政治態度論與社會資本論皆能部份說明為何民眾要參與兩類傳統政治活動，但相較於投票，參與競選活動屬於較耗費成本的參與行為，因此個體資源論較能解釋競選活動的參與。以多層次中介分析步驟檢視縣市制度變項對政治參與的作用後，證實了制度論的作用。在制度變項可能透過社會資本影響政治參與的三條中介路徑，僅一條路徑得到實證上支持。在2005年，縣市急難救助資源可透過工具性社團參與進而影響競選活動參與。 制度變遷的觀點能說明不同時期情感性社團參與和投票的變化。傳統文化價值觀的現代化改變了縣市執政評價氛圍對情感性社團參與的作用。隨著非正式制度環境的改變，情感性社團參與對競選活動參與的作用亦可能隨之改變。而隨著社會福利政策綱領的施行，人均生活扶助資源量的提升，則促進個人的投票行為。總言之，中央政府應注意自身的施政效能，並透過社福資源的適度分配，來促進民眾的社會參與與政治參與行為。 / The success of the transition to democracy in Taiwan should attribute not only to the active reform of the ruling party' cadre, but also to citizens’ participation and political support for the political reformer. In view of the gradual declining turnout rate and instrumental group participation rate, the study tends to describe the distribution of social capital, and explore the potential factors influencing social capital and political participation before and after democratic consolidation period. The paper’s framework from the perspective of institutional change and social capital treats institutional change as the independent variable, three kinds of social capital as the mediated variable, and voting and electoral campaign participation as dependent variables. The study mainly applies the multilevel linear regression and logistic regression model to analyze the mediated and dependent variables from the Taiwan Social Change Survey in 1993 and 2005, separately. As for independent variables, the data is integrated from the Social Image Survey, the social welfare report across counties, and online database of election study center in national Chengchi University. As far as the distribution of social capital is concerned, the results show that the distribution of bonding social capital and instrumental group participation do not have significant change between 1993 and 2005. Compared with participation in 1993, in 2005, the increase of this emotional group participation is apparent. In both year, the instrumental group participation rate is about 22% and is higher than the emotional group participation. In the distribution of diverse resources within groups, age diversity and sex diversity change a lot as the time went by. In contrast, education diversity, income diversity and ethnicity diversity stay stable between groups. In comparison with 1993, people in 2005 have higher education and income level, resulting in the increase of group members’ education and income level. It means that in the democratic consolidation period, it is probable for group participators to approach more diverse resources existing within groups . The effect of institutional variables on the three kinds of social capital is not as same as previous literatures report. Bonding social capital based on confucianism is difficult to be enhanced by the national institutions. Before the democratic consolidation, the effect of living assistance resources, and the atmosphere where people are satisfied with the central government performance which is consistent with theoretical prediction affects people’s participation in the emotional group. However, the effect seems to weaken gradually at the later period. Universal social welfare resources influence the instrumental group participation across different periods, but the negative effect belongs to the crowing out effect rather than the crawling back effect. Political attitudes theory and social capital theory both can partly account for why people participate in these two kinds of traditional political activities. Individual resources theory is suitable for explaining the participation of electoral campaign in that it takes people much more time and cost to engage in the electoral campaign participation than in voting. After examing the effect of institutional variables at the county-level on the political participation through the procedure of multilevel mediation analysis, the findings proven the argument of institution theory. Among the three potential mediation paths in which the institutional variables impact on the political participation through social capital, just one path is supported by the data. In 2005, emergent assistant resources can affect the electoral campaign through the instrumental group participation. The perspective of institutional change can explain the change of the emotional group participation and voting between 1993 and 2005. With the modernization of individual’s traditional attitudes, the county-level effect of evaluation of the central government on the participation in the emotional group is abated. It is probable that the effect of the emotional group participation on the electoral campaign participation differs according to the different environment of the informal institution The increase of living assistant resources per capita, because of the execution of the guiding principle of the social welfare policy, promote people’s voting significantly. In sum up, the attention should be paid by the central authority to strengthen the efficiency of the administration and distribute the social welfare resources appropriately based on the contemporary social condition, in order to improve people’s social participation and political participation.