Lowe, Chun Yip. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-95). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract / Notes on sources and translations / Intorduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- From Subjectivity of Individuals to Inter-Subjectivity: Moral Law and Social Contract in Kant's Theory of Perpetual Peace --- p.8 / Chapter I. --- "Right as ""mine and yours"" and the level of inter-subjectivity" --- p.10 / Chapter II. --- Moral law as the universal principle of right --- p.12 / Chapter III. --- Freedom in public sphere: the distinction between Wille and Willkur --- p.22 / Chapter IV. --- Original Contract and a transcendental principle of public right --- p.27 / Chapter 2. --- Nature's guarantee of perpetual peace and the notion of purposiveness p --- p.36 / Chapter I. --- The preliminary argument of the guarantee: war as a means of nature --- p.37 / Chapter II. --- The objection against the guarantee --- p.40 / Chapter III. --- "The technique of nature, purposiveness and the final end" --- p.44 / Chapter IV. --- Reflective judgment as a directive force --- p.58 / Chapter 3. --- Appraising the project of perpetual peace --- p.61 / Chapter I. --- The definition of perpetual peace and the six preliminary articles --- p.61 / Chapter II. --- The division of public right and the three definitive articles --- p.66 / Chapter III. --- Remark --- p.82 / Conclusion --- p.85 / Bibliography --- p.93

Liberal peace-making may not always be the best way to ensure peace in conflicting societies. Academia have always tended to only look to Western peace-making processes which have made policy limited in the cultural understanding of societies way of functioning, trying to implement what may work in "Western" but not necessarily the host countries' context. In addition, fewer have looked how these two contrasting ways of conducting peace-making affects legitimacy. In this thesis, I examine how Mac Ginty's (2008) "liberal peace versus traditional peace-making" affects level of legitimacy as conceptualized by Levi et al. (2009), within the case of Somalia. The hypothesis was confirmed; the use of traditional peace-making processes has a positive effect on legitimacy. To conclude, the recommendation for further research was to explore the grey-zones between liberal peace and traditional peace-making to further explore its possibilities.

[pt] A dissertação parte do desejo de investigar a proposta da crítica da paz liberal de transcendência da lógica liberal nas operações de peacebuilding. Iniciar essa discussão demanda uma especulação sobre as articulações discursivas que permitiram a construção de uma interpretação de paz em torno de normas e princípios reconhecidos no discurso liberal, bem como de noções particulares de institucionalização, democratização e liberalização. A partir desta análise, a pesquisa volta-se para um estudo das narrativas críticas que denunciam a disseminação pelas Nações Unidas de uma receita para a paz baseada em valores hegemônicos e universalizantes, que culmina na construção, por meio das operações de peacebuilding, de uma ordem vazia de significado para a sociedade pós-conflito. Uma vez esclarecido os principais pontos da perspectiva crítica da paz liberal, examina-se a possibilidade de transcendência da paz liberal em prol de uma paz pós-liberal e procura-se demonstrar os paradoxos inerentes à proposta crítica da paz liberal. / [en] The dissertation begins with the desire to investigate the proposal of the critique of the liberal peace to transcend the liberal logic in peacebuilding operations. This discussion requires an analysis of the discursive practices that allowed the construction of an interpretation of peace around standards and principles recognized in liberal discourses, as well as particular notions of institutionalization, democratization and liberalization. From this analysis, the research turns to the study of critical narratives that denounces the dissemination by the United Nations of a recipe for peace based on hegemonic and universalizing values, culminating in the construction, through peacebuilding operations, of an order empty of meaning in post-conflict societies. Once clarified the main points of the critical perspective of the liberal peace, it examines the possibility of transcending the liberal peace in favor of a post-liberal peace and seeks to demonstrate the paradoxes inherent to the proposal offered by the critique of the liberal peace.

This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World War / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The Rural Aquaculture Promotion (RAP) project is a vital development initiative by the Peace Corps in Zambia with the goal of increasing the nutritional and caloric intake of rural Zambian farmers in addition to augmenting income (Peace Corps Zambia rural aquaculture promotion, n.d.). Peace Corps Volunteer (PCV) success in achieving the goals of the RAP project is vital, and because PCVs are on site working on projects in the aquaculture assignment area for only 24 months, and as only three generations of PCVs are placed at a given site, it is imperative that they be able to contribute to these projects very promptly after arrival on site. The overriding issue concerning the effectiveness of the Peace Corps development effort is the job performance of the individual PCV which primarily depends on the PCV's ability to transfer learned knowledge and skills to the workplace. Many PCVs are routinely hampered by an inability to achieve significant and continuous contributions to projects within their assignment area. The Peace Corps' fundamental approach to the diffusion of aquaculture in Zambia is centered on the exchange of information between PCVs and rural farmers. Achieving sustainability with the RAP project is essentially based upon the consistency and longevity of this information exchange. PCVs are instructed in very specific technical procedures concerning all aspects of fish farming during pre-service training in order to ensure that they are equipped to diffuse a standardized technical curriculum to project beneficiaries. In addition, volunteers are trained in language and cross-cultural skills, and throughout the pre-service training period are assessed by the training staff for competence in the behavioral areas of motivation, productive competence, and adaptability/social sensitivity. Deficiencies in language and cross-cultural skills, the detrimental psychological effects of culture and role shock, and a lack of agency planning and support were key factors that affected the PCVs' ability to transfer successfully learned skills to the workplace. The lack of language ability was identified as the most substantial factor affecting the Volunteer's on-site job performance. Given the social nature of rural extension efforts, this has serious implications for Volunteer effectiveness.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Peacebuilding has become increasing important as a means of preventing continuing hostilities among previously warring factions. Traditional peacebuilding strategies to date have included activities that strive to address challenges related to security, governance, relief, development, and reconciliation with the goal of curbing potential volatile situations from once again becoming full-fledged conflicts. However, peacebuilding strategies or designs have not fully recognized the particular needs of women and have not acknowledged the significance of womens contributions to peacebuilding in war torn communities. In Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala women responded to this marginalization by initiating unique peacebuilding mechanisms and making space for themselves during the process of rebuilding.<p> This analysis therefore begins with an analysis of traditional peacebuilding, introducing four areas that have been identified as important during peacebuilding, and outlining some of the concerns, problems and limitations that plague the peacebuilding process in the post-war setting. It then turns to an examination of womens role in peacebuilding in three case studies, namely Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala.<p> This study is significant because it demonstrates that women have played an integral role in the peacebuilding process in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. While marginalized from traditional peacebuilding processes, womens experiences and knowledge building peace post-conflict have the potential to contribute to an improve and more inclusive peacebuilding design that may result in increased effectiveness for future operations.

European colonizers, who believed they had discovered the New World were unaware of the political, social, geographical and historical relationships of O:gweho:we who were already living in North America. One of the O:gweho:we nations that existed as a powerful force in North America was the Hodinohso:ni Confederacy, which already had its own governing customary laws provided to them by the Peacemaker. This thesis is intended to explain the traditional customary laws of the Hodinohso:ni in order to provide an analysis and comparison of Hodinohso:ni law with Eurocentric international law.

The International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme, renowned for its academic rigor, is also committed to forwarding the larger organization’s mission of creating “a better and more peaceful world” through education. This qualitative case study explores the conceptions of peace education held by three IB Diploma English A1 teachers, the factors that shaped those conceptions, and possible obstacles to teaching for peace in an international school. A framework of peace education as distilled from an extensive literature review and Johan Galtung’s definitions of peace provide the study’s theoretical foundation. Using observations, document analysis, and semi-structured interviews, this study examines teachers’ concepts of peace, pedagogical practices, and approaches to peace education within the context of an A1 classroom and an IB World School. The findings conclude that teachers’ conceptions of peace education are shaped by personal factors such as prior experiences and pedagogical content knowledge, and not by official IB documents.

The International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme, renowned for its academic rigor, is also committed to forwarding the larger organization’s mission of creating “a better and more peaceful world” through education. This qualitative case study explores the conceptions of peace education held by three IB Diploma English A1 teachers, the factors that shaped those conceptions, and possible obstacles to teaching for peace in an international school. A framework of peace education as distilled from an extensive literature review and Johan Galtung’s definitions of peace provide the study’s theoretical foundation. Using observations, document analysis, and semi-structured interviews, this study examines teachers’ concepts of peace, pedagogical practices, and approaches to peace education within the context of an A1 classroom and an IB World School. The findings conclude that teachers’ conceptions of peace education are shaped by personal factors such as prior experiences and pedagogical content knowledge, and not by official IB documents.