<p> Mexico is not a country at peace. Despite the government's fight to restore stability, violence has erupted since 2006 in several areas of the territory. According to Vygotsky's social constructivism and to Galtung's integral perspective of peace, some elements of peacelessness are informed by values, perceptions, and conceptions about violence and peace. These topics have not been qualitatively investigated in Mexico. The purpose of this case study was to explore the process involving the social construction of values, perceptions, and conceptions in regard to organized criminal violence and peace possibilities in Mexico. Research questions focused on the role of mass media and oral conversations in the social construction of perceptions about the government, criminal organizations, and peace. This study employed semistructured interviews of 15 residents from a neighborhood in a large Mexican city. A purposeful sample stratified by gender, age, and profession, according to the neighborhood demographics, was used. Data from the interviews were coded for patterns using preexisting theory-based categories along with new emerging categories. Findings showed that among these residents, the process of social construction of perceptions was primarily formed through individual experiences and observations, and nurtured by conversations. Social constructors, such as traditional mass media, were much less important. Residents constructed their perception that the basic causes of criminal violence are rooted in the structures of the political and economic system, which, if correctly addressed, would foster peace. This study contributes to positive social change.by informing regional policymakers about the need to design local policies directed towards mediating structural and systemic transformations that are respectful of experiences and needs of citizens.</p>

Introduction: This paper will analyse Iran’s security situation through the theory of Neorealism as espoused by Kenneth Waltz. In the following study we will apply this theory to the modern international context of the nation state of Iran. We will see what Neorealism tells us about the case study, and what the case study tells us about Neorealism. In this study we will operate on, and further investigate/test, the following structural realist presumptions relevance to the case at hand (Iran's international politial environment): A state of anarchy in the international system. That the principle of rational action in this state system is 'self help'. That the most important way in which states must help themselves is the provision of security. Methodology: How will we apply this Theory? We will begin by attempting to explore an Iranian perspective on the international system, through the study of Iranian history in the international system. We will also explore the modern context in which Iran (presumably) implements this perspective, by breaking down Iran’s modern relations with actors of particular security significance. In doing so, we are attempting to measure the extent to which Iran's experience of the international system resembles the attributes of the system outlined in Waltzian Neorealism, and to investigate how and to what extent this generates insight into understanding the modern dimensions of the Iranian security situation in its international context.

<p> "Might makes right," so the saying goes. What does this mean? What does it mean to say that humans live by this saying? How can this saying that is considered by almost all as an expression of injustice play a justificatory role practically universally and ubiquitously? How can it be repulsive and yet, nonetheless, attractive as an explanation of the ways of the world? Why its long history? </p><p> I offer a non-cynical explanation, one based on a re-interpretation of the saying and of both recognized and unrecognized related phenomena. This re-interpretation relies on the notion of a tacit justification for violence. </p><p> This non-cynical, re-interpretive explanation exposes the ambiguity of the saying and the consequential unwitting, self-deceptive, fallacious equivocations that the ambiguity makes possible under common conditions. While this explanation, furthermore, focuses on thinking factors&mdash;specifically on fallacious thinking, on humans' unwittingly and self-deceptively committing the fallacy of equivocation&mdash;it does not deny the possible role of non-thinking factors; it only tries to show that the thinking factors are significantly explanatory. </p><p> What is the ambiguity? "Might makes right" expresses two principles. The first principle is the common meaning, namely, that the dominance of the mightier over the weaker is right. This principle is generally considered to be not a definition of justice but an expression of injustice. The second principle, which is almost universally shared in a tacit and unreflective way, is a principle of life, namely, that it is right for any living being to actualize its potential. This second principle is originary and thus primary, while the first principle is derivative and thus secondary. The use of all powers, natural or social, can be ultimately derived legitimately or illegitimately from this primary principle. </p><p> A common manifestation of "might makes right" is the unwitting abuse of power, an abuse that is not recognized as such by the so-called abuser, but that is rather suffered by this latter, who misapplies the second principle in situations that fall under the first principle, thereby unwittingly living by the saying, tacitly justifying abusive ways by it. This unwittingness calls for critical control and forgiveness.</p>

<p> Barbara Deming was active in the U.S. nonviolent movement from 1960 until her death from cancer in 1984 at age sixty-seven. A complex understanding of the intersections between gender, sexuality, feminism, and nonviolence can be gleaned by following her pilgrimage through nuclear disarmament activities, the African American Freedom Movement, the efforts to end the war in Viet Nam, Women's Liberation Movement actions, and her involvement in the Gay Liberation Movement. Deming had become well-known by the mid-1960s as a journalist for <i>The Nation,</i> an associate editor of the pacifist magazine <i>Liberation,</i> and the author of <i> Prison Notes</i> (1966), the first of her eight books. Despite her name recognition at the time and the leadership roles she often took in these social movements, she has nearly disappeared from the historical record. </p><p> Deming's story has been both preserved and erased because of her focus on integrating nonviolence with feminism, lesbianism, and androgyny in the 1970s and 80s. Deming identified as a lesbian as a teenager, but being white and upper-class shielded her from some oppression. By the 1970s she came to see her gender and sexuality as central to her involvement in the nonviolent movement. As she began living openly as a lesbian and writing about the connections she saw between feminism and nonviolence, she gained a new audience, primarily women, while losing the wider readership she had cultivated in the 1960s. Some men in the nonviolent movement continued to support her work, but it was pacifist women and those in the Women's and Gay Liberation Movements who helped archive her papers at the Schlesinger Library on the History of Women in America at Harvard University's Radcliffe Institute. </p><p> Understanding Deming's activism helps to explain the oppressive role of heterosexism in the United States and highlights the possibilities and limitations of merging feminism and nonviolence, a strategy that has been neglected by historians of peace and feminism. Reclaiming Barbara Deming's perspective expressed in a quarter-century of writing about nonviolence, and investigating the continuity and change of her arguments, reveals a hidden history of the Women's Liberation Movement and the broader nonviolent movement. </p>

The following thesis discusses how virtual pacifism can be utilized as a form of activism and discussed within peace education with individuals of all ages in a society saturated with violent media. I explore the nature of virtual pacifism and how can it be used to change and impact peace education. The argument of the role video game violence plays in violent acts has once again become a prominent question in the U.S. media. A relatively new notion of playing video games without killing any virtual creature is being referred to as “virtual pacifism.” I argue that the term “virtual nonviolence” should be used instead of “virtual pacifism.” I conclude that the definition of “virtual pacifism” is “the refusal to engage in violent military activity within the video game because of one’s principles or beliefs; seeking alternative routes to playing the game.” / Department of Telecommunications

The current socio-economic and political landscape of Sudan and South Sudan can be described as one that is war-ridden and deeply divided by religion, culture, ethnicity and ownership over oil. It has been more than twelve months since the secession of Southern Sudan from the North (See Map 1). Despite the secession, general instability continues. To deal with this turmoil, Sudan declared a so-called “state of emergency” in 2012 along its border with South Sudan. The reason for this was the on-going tension between North Sudan and South Sudan over ownership of the oil-rich Abyei area. This conflict over oil is furthermore fuelled by diverse internal divisions among the Sudanese population (North and South). Sudanese diversity is characterized by two opposing antagonistic religious groupings, namely the Arabic North, whose main religious belief is Islam, and the so-called “black Africans” in the South, whose religious belief is mainly Christianity or Animist. In addition to this primary division there are also over 570 ethnic groups in Sudan (North and South). Conflicts and tension between the different ethnic groups is furthermore caused by disputes over natural resources such as water, livestock and land as well as political power and economic gains. Despite the continued conflict the assumption in this study was that the signing and implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) (2005–2011) represented a potential step towards eventual stability. This dissertation therefore focuses, as a case study, on an analytical description of the CPA and its outcomes. Specific reference was made to the role and impact of political mobilization by using an instrumental approach as a framework for analysis. In the above regard, research centred on the following three themes: *Ethnic mobilization as a factor in the political destabilization of Sudan since independence and towards the implementation of the CPA; *Ethnic mobilization as a guideline in the structuring of the CPA; and *Ethnic mobilization and the eventual outcome of the CPA. By addressing the above themes, the study attempted firstly to provide a balanced perspective on the causes of continued instability and conflict in Sudan. Secondly, an attempt was made to provide a future scenario for the possible unfolding of socio-economic and political developments in Sudan and South Sudan. / MA (Political studies), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

Peace education is one of the most all-encompassing methods of conflict transformation and social change. European Union has embarked on involving school children at primary and secondary level, both formal and informal education, in peace and disarmament education. The study examined the significance of disarmament education in European Union countries ' with special reference to small arms and lessons for African countries. The study areas were Norway and South Africa. Factors such as development, resources, and curricular are the prominent issues of disarmament education that distinguish EU and Africa. Where the former (EU) have all these in abundance, the latter (Africa) unfortunately lacks. African countries' political strategies should include peace and disarmament education in order to have a stable continent. The concept of ubuntu in Africa serves as a shining star of peace and disarmament education to be in place. / Thesis (M.A.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2004

<p> The purpose of this study was to examine the phenomena of burnout and self-care as experienced by long-term anti-war activists. The current investigation of burnout and self-care was carried out using a qualitative transcendental phenomenological approach developed by Clark Moustakas. Interviews were conducted with eight adult men and women who had been active in the anti-war movement for at least ten years. The data collection consisted of in-depth interviews with open-ended questions regarding participants' experience of self-care and burnout in the process of anti-war activism. </p><p> Findings reveal that participants experienced burnout and self-care in much the same way as other professions. Participants experienced burnout within the following themes: stress, frustration and exhaustion; inner and outer pressure and responsibility; body shut-down; betrayal and isolation; and depression and grief. These activists experienced self-care within the following themes: enrichment of soul; satisfaction and celebration; great love and healing; awareness and keeping balance; deep understanding; and belief, enthusiasm and inspiration. In addition, the research uncovered the irony that while anti-war activism causes burnout at times, this same activism plays a critical role in self-care for the activist. Furthermore, findings lend support to previous studies of the experience of anti-war activists. Future research on this topic is suggested in several areas.</p>

Through the use of semi-structured and narrative interviewing, this study considers the perspectives of twelve newcomer women engaged in organizing and facilitating community activities with other newcomer women. The participants shared their views on the challenges faced by newcomer women, and the strength that these women access through community support. The study is grounded in an analysis of literature derived from such interdisciplinary sources as Peace and Conflict Studies, feminism, anthropology, and community-development. While newcomer women are faced with numerous hardships and losses, the participants – everyday peacemakers – emphasize the importance of empowerment. They engage in creating spaces for women to gather, form relationships, and benefit from economic and social development. Through this work, the women foster a form of ‘constrained empowerment’ that exists within the context of various structural barriers to well-being. Despite being constrained, this form of empowerment provides the foundation for social change, and social justice.

This thesis seeks to explore the human security threats that AIDS constitute to the West African people. West Africa has been badly hit by the AIDS epidemic and studies conducted have situated the discourse as a public health issue only. This thesis challenges that assertion by exploring the complex issues and linkages of HIV/AIDS, Conflict and Human Security in West Africa. Using peacekeepers, women and children as case studies, this thesis analyzed and identified a model for human security in West Africa with a particular emphasis on the right to health and access to anti-retroviral drugs in view of the astronomical rise in the growth of HIV/AIDS in the West African region.