Despite decades of foreign aid, abundance of natural and human resources, and numerous development initiatives, the African continent remains largely underdeveloped, marginalised and excluded from major decision-making processes that shape today’s world. The purpose of this research is to examine the reasons for the continuous underdevelopment and marginalisation of the African continent and to advance pragmatic measures to be put in place to reverse the situation. The thesis demonstrates that Africa’s underdevelopment and marginalisation cannot be divorced from the effects of centuries of exploitation, domination, and exclusion through the slave trade, colonialism, and neo-colonialism on the one hand, and decades of poor socio-economic and political governance that have characterised the continent since independence, on the other. One of the main findings of the research is that, over the years, African leaders have consciously or unconsciously failed to recognise the fundamental link between human rights, human development, and peace as a foundation for development, and this failure has resulted in their inability to craft sustainable development initiatives for the continent. Given the prominent place human rights, good governance, democracy, peace and stability occupy in both the Constitutive Act of the African Union (CA-AU)1 and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development2 (referred throughout this thesis as the NEPAD Document), the thesis further demonstrates that there is an intrinsic relationship between human rights, human development, and peace which is necessary for development. It analyses the extent to which this relationship has been taken into account in 1 The Constitutive Act of the African Union, OAU Doc. CAB/LEG/23.15, was adopted 11 July 2000 in Lomé, Togo and entered into force May 26, 2001. 2 The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD or the NEPAD Document) 2001. The NEPAD is an economic development program of the African Union. The NEPAD was adopted at the 37th Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. PhD Thesis Human Rights, Human Development and Peace – inseparable ingredients in Africa’s quest for prosperity xvi the conception, formulation, and implementation of the objectives of both the AU and the NEPAD; and concludes that the NEPAD and the AU initiatives provide a strong foundation and offer an excellent opportunity for Africans to begin to reverse centuries of exploitation, domination, and decades of socioeconomic and political exclusion, as well as re-orientate the governance and development strategy of the continent. The thesis is premised on the realisation that respect for human rights, the promotion of human development, and the consolidation of peace, coupled with good political and economic governance are conditions sine qua non for any meaningful development. It further reveals that respect for human rights provides a foundation upon which rests the political structures of human freedoms. The achievement of human freedom generates the will as well as the capacity for economic and social progress. The attainment of economic and social progress provides the basis for durable peace. The thesis concludes that human rights, human development, and peace are interdependent, interrelated, indivisible and mutually reinforcing, and thus inseparable ingredients in Africa’s quest for prosperity.

MEd, School of Education, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2002

Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / Thesis advisor: Timothy Crawford / This paper examines the credibility issue in China's extended deterrent attempts during the Cold War. In its efforts to protect North Korea, North Vietnam and Kampuchea, how did China convey its threats, and why did these initiatives have differing results? First, I argue that signaling is the key explaining credibility of China's extended deterrent threats across space and time. While ambiguous signals ruined China's credibility in deterring challenges on North Korea and Kampuchea, clear-cut signals backed threats in China's attempts to save North Vietnam. Consequently, China's signals in the first two cases were disregarded or misunderstood but were perceived as expected in the last case. Secondly, the paper seeks to appraise the explanatory power of current theoretical approaches with regard to the effectiveness of extended deterrent threats. Balance of interests (BOI) and Balance of Capabilities (BOC) shed lights on sources of deterrence outcomes, but neither of them is sufficient to explain the cases. The paper concludes that China's peaceful rising is more likely if Beijing signals its interests and capabilities more clearly. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

The current study examined some key factors that have the potential to impact non governmental organizations' (NGOs) effectiveness operating in war and conflict settings. Previous research suggested that integrative complexity (Streufert, 1970; Suedfeld, Tetlock, & Streufert, 1992), behavioral complexity (Lawrence, Lenk, & Quinn, 2009), emotional complexity (Kang & Shaver, 2004), job adaptability (Pulakos, Arad, & Plamondon, 2000) and resilience (Masten, 2001) are linked to positive individual outcomes. However, no systematic studies have been conducted to examine the potential impact of these variables on perceived work effectiveness in the context of volatile and violent environments. Therefore, I investigated the relationship between individual integrative complexity, perceived behavioral and emotional complexities of Top Management Teams (TMTs), perceived job adaptability of TMTs, perceived resilience of TMTs and their relationship to perceived internal and external effectiveness of their respective NGOs working in the Palestinian Territories. A total of 133 participants participated in the study, representing TMTs from 26 local NGOs based in Ramallah, West Bank working in various fields such as community development, children and youth, human rights, women empowerment, agriculture, health and psychological counseling, advocacy, education, and culture. Participants were asked to fill out a battery of questionnaires assessing these variables. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) were utilized to analyze the data. The overall results indicated that integrative complexity was negatively associated with leader's perceptions of the external effectiveness of their NGO, and was not found to be related to perceived internal effectiveness. Both perceived behavioral complexity and emotional complexity of TMTs' were positively associated with perceptions of internal and external effectiveness. An exploratory analysis revealed an interaction effect between behavioral and emotional complexity in terms of their combined impact on perceived internal and external effectiveness. In addition, perceived job adaptability of TMTs was significantly related to perceived external effectiveness, but not with perceived internal effectiveness. Finally, perceived resilience of TMTs was not found to be associated with any outcome variables. The theoretical, practical and future research implications of the results are discussed.

Can international peacebuilding efforts in war-torn societies have positive influence on democratic outcomes at the grassroots level? Does any such influence occur through military channels (e.g., security provision) or civilian channels (e.g., democratic education)? How do different local settings respond to various activities carried out by outside interveners? A key objective of contemporary peacebuilding interventions is to transform war-torn societies into stable, liberal democratic polities, based on the premise that democracy is the best way to achieve stable and self-sustaining peace because democracies are more respectful toward their citizens and peaceful toward their neighbors (Barnett 2006). Toward this end, in addition to providing security, international interveners typically undertake a wide range of activities to democratize existing structures both at the macro-level and micro-level. There are important variations in local settings in which peacebuilding activities tend to be carried out. Surprisingly, there have been few systematic efforts to investigate whether and how differences in local settings shape the performance and outcomes of peacebuilding interventions, in particular to ascertain the effectiveness of efforts to promote democratic norms and liberal values at the grassroots level. This dissertation attempts to fill this gap--theoretically and empirically. It draws on social science theories to outline specific hypotheses about when and how various activities carried out by outside actors may be effective in promoting liberal democratic outcomes in different local settings. These hypotheses are tested empirically through a nine-month field experiment carried out in 142 villages in postwar Liberia, in partnership with a United Nations peacekeeping mission and two local civil society organizations. Empirical findings reveal that the effects of outside interventions on democratic outcomes at the grassroots level critically depend on context types, but the saliency of local contexts is more pronounced for some outcome areas (e.g., political participation) than others (e.g., social cohesion). Theoretical and policy implications of these results will be discussed.

<p>Even though women who have been abandoned by their fathers at a young age are more likely to exhibit destructive behaviors as adults, there are cases in which women develop new social skills and become successful at building new relationships (Stolberg, Complair & Wells, 1987). The main purpose for this phenomenological research wasto understand the shared experiences of Hispanic women who were abandoned by their fathers at a young age and explore their conflict management skills. This research wasguided by the following research question: What are the lived experiences of Hispanic women who were abandoned by their fathers before the age of seven? Through conducting and analyzing phenomenological interviews with 25 participants and using the lenses of attachment theory, social construct and phenomenology, this research will contribute to scholarshipin different arenas. Findings of this research used the participant?s shared recommendations and suggestions as a means for discussion to help women who were abandoned as children prevent and cope with conflict effectively. Finally,this research will help social scientists understand whether being abandoned by a father at a young age has any effects in a Hispanic woman?s conflict resolution skills.

This thesis provides insights into approaches to regional peacebuilding with reference to the Mano Union River region of West Africa, comprising Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d'Ivoire and Guinea. Using the case of the interrelated conflicts in these countries, particularly of regional fighters that fought in two or more countries, it investigates the constraints of conventional peacebuilding theory and practice in addressing regional conflict. Drawing largely on a constructivist International Relations approach, it argues that state-centred perspectives of conflict and peacebuilding, undertaken by institutions made rigid by ritualised practice, preclude an understanding of cross-border conflicts as localised conflicts, within the framing of a micro-region, and also block their effective engagement with the narratives articulated by combatants about their motivations for participating in cross-border conflict. Fieldwork was largely undertaken in Liberia, with the analysis supported by in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with regional combatants of Sierra Leonean, Liberian and Ivoirian descent, based in Liberia, as well as an institutional ethnography of United Nations peace operations, drawing on participant-observation, interviews and documentary analysis. The thesis demonstrates that while economic motivations feature prominently in regional combatants' motivations, they also subscribe to other motives, in part mediated by socially constructed regional identities. These motives, however, receive limited or misguided attention from peacebuilding institutions, resulting in responses that are, in turn, limited in scope and effectiveness. A key lesson is the importance of understanding the opportunities and challenges arising from localised yet transnational imperatives that translate into violent cross-border movements in marginal border areas, to ensure adequate responses and sustain peace in the region in the long term.

Contemporary peacebuilding debates centre on questions of effectiveness, relevance, and sustainability, broadly contrasting a ‘liberal peace' model and more ‘critical' perspectives. The critical peacebuilding literature calls for a transformative approach addressing inequalities and systemic violence underpinning conflict, promoting ‘local' engagement, and responding to ‘everyday' priorities. Education systems play central roles in reproducing or challenging relations of power, privilege, and inequality associated with violent conflict, and represent key sites of ‘local' and ‘everyday' engagement. However, the critical literature has paid limited attention to education's potential, and political, peacebuilding role. In this thesis, I explore the importance of education in peacebuilding and argue that peacebuilding scholarship should seriously engage with education. Using a case study approach and a critical cultural political economy framework, I explore links between education, inequality, and peacebuilding in South Sudan, through analysis of donor and government policies and interviews with 217 education and peacebuilding actors. I suggest that education policies and practices reproduce political, economic, and cultural inequalities and violence and undermine peacebuilding aims in three broad ways. First, education resource and service distribution reproduces, justifies, and institutionalises geographic and intergroup disparities and grievances associated with ‘real' and perceived inequalities. Second, ‘local' participation strategies based on ‘decentralised' governance reproduce patterns of political exclusion, exploitation, and mistrust between ‘local' communities and authorities. Third, formal education practices and informal narratives concerning identity and difference, in relation to inequality, conflict, and peace, reproduce colonial forms of oppression and violence. These findings demonstrate the complexity of education's peacebuilding role, expanding critical discussions concerning inequalities, the ‘local', and the ‘everyday' and providing insight into specific sociopolitical processes through which these can be addressed, both analytically and ‘practically'.

Lowe, Chun Yip. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-95). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract / Notes on sources and translations / Intorduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- From Subjectivity of Individuals to Inter-Subjectivity: Moral Law and Social Contract in Kant's Theory of Perpetual Peace --- p.8 / Chapter I. --- "Right as ""mine and yours"" and the level of inter-subjectivity" --- p.10 / Chapter II. --- Moral law as the universal principle of right --- p.12 / Chapter III. --- Freedom in public sphere: the distinction between Wille and Willkur --- p.22 / Chapter IV. --- Original Contract and a transcendental principle of public right --- p.27 / Chapter 2. --- Nature's guarantee of perpetual peace and the notion of purposiveness p --- p.36 / Chapter I. --- The preliminary argument of the guarantee: war as a means of nature --- p.37 / Chapter II. --- The objection against the guarantee --- p.40 / Chapter III. --- "The technique of nature, purposiveness and the final end" --- p.44 / Chapter IV. --- Reflective judgment as a directive force --- p.58 / Chapter 3. --- Appraising the project of perpetual peace --- p.61 / Chapter I. --- The definition of perpetual peace and the six preliminary articles --- p.61 / Chapter II. --- The division of public right and the three definitive articles --- p.66 / Chapter III. --- Remark --- p.82 / Conclusion --- p.85 / Bibliography --- p.93