自二十世紀四○年代末期以來，菲律賓對中共的外交政策與菲中關係經歷了戲劇性的變化，大致可以分為4個時期：從二十世紀四○年代末到六○年代末和七○年代初的近20年，親美主義與反共的意識形態形成了這一時期菲律賓的對外政策，意識形態與國家安全則是菲國對中共政策的主要考量，菲律賓奉行對中共完全「隔離」的冷戰政策；從七○年代初到九○年代初的近20年中，隨著冷戰體系的逐漸坍塌，菲律賓對外政策從重意識形態和政治轉向為發展外交，從而決定與中共建交，而國家安全在菲中關係中的作用則下降；從九○年代初到二十一世紀初，菲中關係由於後冷戰時期東亞地區格局的變動，以及菲中在南海的爭端，菲國再次評估中共對其國家安全的影響，從而又一次調整與美國的關係，希望借助美國的力量來制衡中共；而自2001年亞羅育總統上台以來，開啟了菲中關係的新時代，雙方建立了戰略合作伙伴關係，步入了雙邊關係的「黃金時期」，並延續至現任總統艾奎若三世。 在菲中關係的4個歷史時期，意識形態、美國因素、共產黨活動、歷史遺產、華僑華人、領海爭端、臺灣問題、政治結構、經濟關係等一系列因素從國內與國際的層面相互關聯和作用，此消彼長，共同影響了菲律賓的對中共外交政策。 就菲中關係發展的未來趨勢而言，菲中關係將主要受菲國國內政治的影響，傳統的美國因素仍不容忽視，同時，雙方在南海上的爭端儘管暫時擱置，但仍充滿不確定性，這些因素都限制了菲中關係的發展，但中共仍然可以在很大程度上利用菲律賓國內的政治、經濟需求來主導未來菲中關係的發展。 / Philippines’ China Policy and Philippines-Sino relations have undergone dramatic changes since the World WarII., and can be divided into four phrases. During the first period, from the late 1940s to the late 1960s and early 70s, the Pro-U.S. principal and anti-communist ideology, two factors formed the Philippines’ foreign policy. Ideology and national security were Philippines’ prime considerations, Philippines pursued a fully isolation Policy towards China. During the second phrase, from the early 1970s and the early 1990s, with the gradual collapse of the Cold War system, Philippines’ foreign policy has shifted from ideology-centric to politics-centric, the development of diplomacy has become the leading foreign policy thought, the above policy based on national security and ideology was declined, in this context, Philippines finally opened its door to People Republic of China. The third phrase started from the early 1990s and ended at the beginning of the21st century, during which Philippines’ idea on national security was reshaped the new structure of East Asia in the post-Cold War times, and the dispute between Philippines and PRC, Philippines re-evaluated PRC’s influence to her national security. Philippines hoped to introduce USA’s power to balance China in this region. A new time for Philippines-Sino was activated since President Arroyo came into power in 2001, in this period, both sides agreed to establish strategic partner relations in 2004. The Philippine-Sino relation has reached the “Golden Era” and continued up to now the president Aquino III. In the four stages of Philippines-Sino relations, ideology, the United States, the Communist Party of the Philippines and its rebellion, historical heritage, and overseas Chinese, territorial dispute, Taiwan issue, Philippines’ political structure, economic relations and other factors, interact and intersect from the international level and national level, and finally decide Philippines’ China Policy. As far as the future of bilateral relations between Philippines and PRC is concerned, though mostly decided by domestic politics, Philippines-Sino relations cannot yet break away from historic factors like America. And even though the two sides have put away the South China Sea dispute, it still remained so many uncertainties. All these factors have limited the developments of Philippines-Sino relations. Anyway, China still can, to great extend, lead the to-be relations through its strong economic and political power.

自從1995年菲律賓與中共在美濟礁發生衝突以來，雙方在南海主權議題上時而緊張、時而和緩。歷經羅慕斯時期(1992年~1998年)的對峙衝撞、埃斯特拉達 (1998年~2001年)的冷靜淡化、亞羅育 (2001年~2010年)的低調迴避，步入艾奎諾三世時期(2010年~)之後訴諸國際法庭的法律戰，菲、中關係轉為對立緊繃。 冷戰後的4位菲律賓總統大致是採行「避險」策略，以便在中、美的拉扯下夾縫求生。菲國的策略揉合了「扈從」與「制衡」的概念，此與東協各國盛行的「大國平衡」策略相近，既要拉攏美國與日本，也要扯進中國大陸。菲律賓國家政策堅守「區域安全仰仗美國」與「經濟發展緊抓中共」兩大主軸，難以避免地會陷入「地緣政治」與「地緣經濟」的角力之中。至於中共在處理與鄰國的南海爭端上，則是秉持「鬥而不破」的原則，對付菲律賓的各種挑釁行為，採取的是「裁剪式」策略，為菲律賓量身打造相應的各種手段與方法。 宥於菲國薄弱的軍事實力，以及菲、美同盟的夥伴關係，可以預期的，在艾奎諾三世任期結束之前，菲律賓在南海議題上仍會不斷發聲，並且以法律戰持續與中共抗衡，以便獲取更多籌碼來維護國家利益。至於艾氏的繼任者，預測將會大幅修補對中關係，擺回「親中」的外交路線。 / Since the Mischief Reef dispute broke out between the Philippines and China in 1995, the relations between the two countries have been unstable when it comes to sovereignty issues over South China Sea. From the confrontation period of Fidel Valdes Ramos (1992~1998), the relaxation strategy of Joseoh Ejercito Estrada (1998~2001), the avoidance attitude of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001~2010), to the Law War Stage of Benigno S. Aquino III (2010~ ), now the China-Philippines relation has turned into an antagonistic one. The 4 Philippines presidents after the end of the cold war have roughly adopted hedging strategies in order to survive from the tug-of-war between China and America. The Philippines employs a strategy that combines bandwagoning and balancing, similar to ASEAN’s equilibrium strategy among big countries, drawing America and Japan over to its side and forcing mainland China to get involved. The Philippine national policy sticks to two principles: “Relying on America for Regional Security” and “Grasping China for Economic Development”. The policy unavoidably makes the country fall into the wrestling of “Geo-Politics” and “Geo-Economics.” As for China, it maintains the principle of fighting over core interests but will not break the relationship. Facing the various provocative actions of the Philippines, China adopts a tailored strategy with corresponding means and methods to handle the Philippines. Due to the weak military capabilities and the alliance relations with America, it is predictable that before Benigno S. Aquino III finish his term as the Philippines president, the country will continue to bark on South China Sea issues and try to contend with China by law so as to obtain more advantages in protecting its national interests. As for Aquino’s successor, predictably he/she will substantially repair the relations with China and regain pro-china policies.

The history of the United States’ occupation in the Philippines requires an alternative archive that includes family stories, museums sites, and other memories to articulate the nearly inexplicable legacy of imperial trauma. My project foregrounds the intangible effects of American imperialism, traced in generational memories of Filipinos and Filipino Americans and their descendants. Addressing three key moments defining the Filipino and Filipino American experience: the Philippine-American War, World War II, and 21st century global capitalism, I look at how the under-the-surface, banal nature of imperial trauma’s legacy marks Filipino identity and creates blind spots in the Filipino imaginary. My dissertation examines sexual atrocities committed by American soldiers during the 1898-1902 Philippine-American War, revisits memories of World War II and the Japanese Occupation as represented in military museums in Fredericksburg, Texas and on Corregidor Island, Philippines, and concludes with the importance of the babaylan figure, from an ancient priestess tradition in the Philippines, for diasporic Filipinas to negotiate the contemporary challenges of everyday living. My dissertation examines the use of strategic storytelling to recover lost histories, heal from the past, and re-create the present. / text

published_or_final_version / Architecture / Master / Master of Architecture

Road authorities around the world have been innovating and finding ways to cope with the high cost of road network maintenance, the growing demands of road users and the changing traffic type and volume. A well-maintained road is needed to make the network sustainable for future generations. Improving road maintenance management in the Philippines, based on New Zealand experience, is the goal of this research with the theme of managing the change from method-based specifications to the adoption of performance-based specifications for unsealed low-volume roads. The New Zealand Local Government Act 2002 prescribes the requirements for the provision, operation, and management of the local road network, consistent with the Land Transport Management Act 2002 and the New Zealand Land Transport Strategy. The maintenance management system used by New Zealand road controlling authorities (RCAs) was determined by survey and a profile of RCAs that have adopted performance-based specifications was established. RCAs that adopted performance-based specifications had employed asset managers, used the Road Asset Maintenance Management (RAMM) system as an asset management tool, engaged consultants for specialised skills, employed more engineers, had highly developed performance specifications, conducted customer surveys, and had more resources in terms of rates and revenues than RCAs that had not adopted performance-based specifications. The proposed performance-based specifications for sealed and unsealed roads were also presented in this thesis. The Department of Public Works and Highways of the Philippines has implemented three long-term performance-based maintenance pilot projects, all completed by 2005. The lessons learned from the pilot projects, together with the New Zealand survey results will guide road authorities in the Philippines to improve the implementation of future long-term performance-based maintenance contracts (LTPBMC) on national roads, and possibly apply the same to low-volume roads.

Despite evidence that suggests that nurses migrate to Ontario through the Live-in Caregiver Program, no research has been conducted on this group of nurses in Ontario. This study addresses that gap utilizing the transnational feminist concept of “global care chains” in a single holistic case study design to explore the experience of nurses who migrate to Ontario through the Live-in Caregiver Program (2001-2011), and examine the diverse perspectives of stakeholders on issues of rights and obligations of these nurses. Fifteen live-in caregivers and nine policy stakeholders were interviewed, and an analysis undertaken of immigration and nursing policy documents. Findings indicate that familial discourses and perspectives on global social status shape these women’s decision to migrate from the Philippines to Canada, often via a second country (especially Saudi Arabia), as well as their subsequent Canadian experiences. Results are consistent with Rhacel Parrenas’ idea of ‘contradictory class mobility’ that describes the phenomenon of decrease in social status coupled with an increase in financial status among immigrant care workers. As professional women undertaking unskilled work, the nurses’ contradictory class status was reinforced by the emotional labour and domestic work they were required to perform. Furthermore, as temporary workers on a path to permanent residency, their professional integration as nurses was complicated by Canada’s immigration policy and the paradox between the government’s stated short-term goal (to address labour force shortage of live-in caregivers) versus its long-term goal (to ensure the integration of permanent residents). Within this policy paradox immigration policy makers emphasized the short-term obligation of fulfilling labour needs, while live-in caregivers and advocacy groups emphasized the long-term obligations of the Canadian government related to gaining permanent residence status. The lack of congruence between the Live-in Caregiver Program policy and nursing policy concerning internationally educated nurses, as well as prioritization of their familial obligations complicated the process of professional integration for this group of women. Recommendations arising from the study concern the need to bridge these policy gaps and address the shortcomings of the Live-in Caregiver Program to leverage the integration of this group of internationally educated nurses in Canada.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 539-582).

Submitted by Monique Marques Nogueira Lima (monimnl@hotmail.com) on 2017-04-06T20:47:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Versão final dissertação - Monique Marques N. Lima.pdf: 1929858 bytes, checksum: bea8884e45deb29b97b85e34e24c7383 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-04-12T20:04:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_mmm_me_fran.pdf: 1929858 bytes, checksum: bea8884e45deb29b97b85e34e24c7383 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-12T20:04:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_mmm_me_fran.pdf: 1929858 bytes, checksum: bea8884e45deb29b97b85e34e24c7383 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Os Regimentos da Inquisição ˗ fontes legislativas destinadas à regulação do Tribunal do Santo Ofício ˗ configuraram-se como referências fundamentais para a compreensão da instituição. Nos domínios portugueses, esses textos passaram por quatro atualizações principais que acabaram por cobrir um período de mais de três séculos (1552, 1613, 1640 e 1774). Com contribuições significativas para a ordenação da sociedade, as versões de 1613 e 1640 tornaram-se as compilações mais detalhadas, resultado da crescente importância do documento e da sofisticação jurídica do Tribunal. As Ordenações do Reino de Portugal ˗ código de leis da justiça secular inspirado nos textos jurídicos romanos ˗ representaram, desde o reinado de D. Afonso V, a mais importante fonte de regras e normas que também ordenavam a sociedade lusa. Em especial, as Ordenações Filipinas, de 1603, seguindo suas antecessoras, transformaram-se no principal parâmetro organizador da justiça entre os coetâneos. Embora distintos em termos de jurisdição e alcance, como ponto em comum, os dois documentos apresentam elementos importantes ao entendimento da noção de ordem, aspecto típico do período e base da estruturação das hierarquias sociais portuguesas. Como resultado do exame realizado sobre as duas compilações de leis, o presente trabalho busca compreender as relações estabelecidas entre as justiças inquisitorial e secular em Portugal e seus domínios, com especial atenção aos mecanismos de funcionamento; à composição dos quadros dos tribunais e as qualidades exigidas; às regras de conduta estabelecidas e, principalmente, aos dispositivos manejados no esforço de manutenção da desigualdade natural que norteava a vida dos contemporâneos. A partir da análise do conjunto dessas documentações, da legislação extravagante e da narrativa de alguns casos exemplares, esse estudo pretende colaborar com a compreensão dos pontos de contato e afastamento que formavam as principais fontes de lei da Igreja e do Rei no mundo luso brasileiro dos seiscentos. / The Regiments of the Inquisition ˗ legislative sources for the regulation of the Holy Office ˗ was configured as basic references for understanding the institution. In the Portuguese dominions, these texts have undergone four major updates that cover a period of more than three centuries (1552, 1613, 1640 and 1774). With significant contributions to the ordering of society, the versions of 1613 and 1640 became the most comprehensive compilations, result of the growing importance of the document and legal sophistication of the Court. The Ordinances of the Kingdom of Portugal ˗ code of laws of secular justice inspired by the Roman legal texts ˗ represented, since the reign of King Afonso V, the most important source of rules and regulations that also ordered the Portuguese society. In particular, the Philippine Ordinances, enacted in 1603, following their predecessors, have become the main organizer parameter of justice among the coeval. Although different in terms of jurisdiction and scope, as a point in common, the two documents had important elements to the understanding of the notion of order, typical aspect of the period and base of the structure of the portuguese social hierarchies. As a result of the examination on the two compilations of laws, this study seeks to understand the relations between the inquisitorial and secular justice in Portugal and its fields, with particular attention to the operational mechanisms; the composition of the courts and the required qualities of their members; the established rules of conduct and especially the managed devices of the natural inequality maintenance effort that guided the lives of contemporaries. From the analysis of all these documentations, from the extravagant law and from the narrative of some exemplary cases, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the points of contact and distance that formed the main sources of law of the Church and of the King in brazilian portuguese world in six hundred.

No description available.

This manuscript is a study of the Thirty-Third Infantry, United States Volunteers, a regiment that was recruited in Texas, the South, and the Midwest and was trained by officers experienced from the Indian Wars and the Spanish-American War. This regiment served as a front-line infantry unit and then as a constabulary force during the Philippine War from 1899 until 1901. While famous in the United States as a highly effective infantry regiment during the Philippine War, the unit's fame and the lessons that it offered American war planners faded in time and were overlooked in favor of conventional fighting. In addition, the experiences of the men of the regiment belie the argument that the Philippine War was a brutal and racist imperial conflict akin to later interventions such as the Vietnam War. An examination of the Thirty-Third Infantry thus provides valuable context into a war not often studied in the United States and serves as a successful example of a counterinsurgency.