This thesis is about the trial of President Andrew Johnson.

This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.

This is a descriptive study of factors that influenced search committees to recommend a candidate as president of a higher education institution. Chairpersons were asked, by means of a written survey, to indicate why their committee selected the individual to nominate as president as opposed to other finalists. Each chairperson classified one's response as being in one of the following categories: personal, performance, participation, or friendship.

Theme of directly elected President was present on Czechoslovak and Czech political field regularly since 1989. Different proposals rose discussion in media and between the specialists from Political science. Diploma thesis captures the changes of specialized, political and media discussion during the years. The opinion of the Public is present in Public opinion polls. Diploma thesis also describes the circumstances of adoption of the Amendment to the Constitution and of the Implementing Law. Part of the Diploma thesis is also theoretical introduction concerning the regimes from the point of view of their polity and also a chapter about the institution of the president concerning his constitutional formal and informal powers since 1918 till these days.

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The community college is one of the most diverse institutions of higher learning in regards to the make-up of its student population. However, with such a large representation of diversity within its student population, the community college has not been as successful in diversifying the community college presidency. The purpose of this research study was to examine the career paths, barriers, and professional experiences of African American community college presidents and White community college presidents. A secondary purpose of this study was to examine potential recruitment strategies to recruit minority administrators. A total of 176 African American and White community college presidents were surveyed, and 105 (N = 105) surveys were used for the study. Fiftyive surveys were from White/Caucasian community college presidents and fifty surveys were from Black/African American community college presidents. A self-developed survey (Presidents’ Survey) was used to collect the data. Chi-Square, Analysis of Variance, frequencies, and percentages were used for data analysis. Results of the study indicate that African American and White community college presidents differ significantly in terms of marital status, graduation from a historically Black college or university (HBCU), make-up of student body at their institutions, location of their institutions, and in attendance of leadership development workshops. Results of the statistical analysis are presented in narrative and table form to answer the five research questions. The study concludes with a summary, conclusions, implications, and recommendations for further research.

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No description available.

The purpose of this study was to learn how men and women who do not have an initial career goal of becoming a college or university president end up in such a position.The study was to gather information on the internal and external influences on that career path, and how each participant fits within presidential career patterns presented by Wessel (1991).A qualitative case study method was used for this study. The participants were chosen based on their institutions' membership in the Virginia Foundation forIndependent Colleges (VFIC), thus all participants were from private institutions in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Twelve of the 15 VFIC presidents were interviewed; two declined participation; and one institution had an interim president at the time of the study.Each president submitted a copy of his/her curriculum vitae for review and analysis, and each president was then placed into one of the variations of the Academic or the Administrative Career Patterns presented by Wessel (1991). Additional data was collected through personal in-depth interviews with each participant, and an interview guide approach was used in each of the interviews.The results indicate that there is no single career path that leads to a presidency.Presidents experienced both external and internal influences on their career paths and these varied in strength of influence based on the individual. Several other factors were also explored including: role of the family, preparations for a presidency and institutional search process.There are several implications for future research based on the findings of this study. The first of these is continued research into the debate of preparation either through the academic model or the administrative model. The second need for expanded research is the role of the family in the career path of college and university presidents. Finally the issue of the need for a Ph.D. is a point for further investigation.

In this thesis I diagnose the health of the United State’s constitutional regime and extensively explore the changing relationship between Congress and the president. I began by diving into the arguments laid out in The Federalist Papers to explain the basis of America’s separation of powers system. I then explore the rise of presidential power and the increase in congressional deference and abdication through the lens of the budget process and war authority. Next, I provide suggestions for ways in which Congress should assert itself. Lastly, I provide recent indications that Congress may be willing to express its institutional will. In conclusion, I argue that the modern world has changed the incentive structure for representatives who now cater primarily to their constituents and avoid making controversial decisions instead of acting as a check on executive power. I distribute blame between Congress and American citizens for allowing this change to occur and stress the importance of civic education and civic participation in a healthy constitutional regime.