No description available.

Our understanding of parliamentary politics suggests that no-confidence motions have a critical place in government continuation, reorganization and termination. More specifically, we know that opposition parties use no-confidence motions as a way of removing the government and potentially inducing early elections. Up until now, we know little about either the causes or the consequences of no-confidence motions. In this dissertation, I first develop a formal model of the conditions under which an opposition party will threaten to propose (and eventually propose) a no-confidence motion in the government. The model provides a number of intuitive observations about the behavior of opposition parties and the reactions of governments to challenges. I develop a competence-based theory where opposition parties signal their perception of the government's competence with no-confidence motions. In the game, opposition parties act both in terms of short-term gains as well as long-term electoral gains. This model provides intuitive answers that help us understand the circumstances under which the opposition will challenge the government. The model also provides empirical expectations regarding the probability that the motion is successful, in addition to its long-term electoral consequences. Next, I test the theoretical propositions regarding the occurrence of noconfidence motions on a cross-sectional time-series data set of all no-confidence motions in a sample of parliamentary democracies in the post-World War II era. Even though successful no-confidence motions are relatively rare, they can have profound consequences on policy outcomes. The next section illustrates these consequences, as I find that having a no-confidence motion proposed against them makes governments more likely to be targeted by other states in international conflicts. In the conclusion I summarize the key findings, present the broad implications for the study of parliamentary decision making, and discuss avenues for future research.

This study develops three models of human rights determinants with the inclusion an untested variable, women in parliaments. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from 130 countries between 1978 and 1996. For the purpose of analysis the Prais-Winsten Regression method with Panel Corrected Standard Errors was used. The women in power variable is hypothesized to be significantly, positively correlated with a state's propensity toward respect for human rights and is operationalized as percentage of women in parliaments. Three models incorporating as control variables previously identified correlates of human rights abuse were utilized to asses the impact of percentages of women in parliaments on two individual subsets of human rights: personal integrity rights and socio-economic rights. Two models were designed to measure the subset of rights categorized as personal integrity rights using two separate measures: State Department Scores and Amnesty International Scores. Model number three utilized the Physical Quality of Life Index to measure levels of socio-economic rights. Statistical significance was demonstrated by the women in parliament variable in all three models.

Dissertation thesis "Relationship between National Parliaments and the European Union" examines the impacts of the European integration on the national parliaments - the limitation of their functions and powers, measures undertaken to compensate these limitation in both the EU and the national law and the new roles of national parliaments in the context of European integration. The point of departure of the thesis is the notion of representative democracy as a still unsurpassed concept of a legitimate exercise of public authority. National parliaments mainly fulfil the controlling and legitimising function in the EU affairs. To this end, they have various legal instruments at their disposal. The fulfilment of these functions is limited by political and legal factors stemming from the nature of parliaments as political, not professional bodies and from their role in the national constitutional systems. Special attention is paid to the role of national parliaments in the evolving economic and monetary union. The general findings are confronted with the legal regulation and practice in the Parliament of the Czech Republic.

Durante muito tempo, os membros das câmaras de vereadores brasileiras tiveram suas atuações políticas limitadas à circunscrição territorial dos seus respectivos municípios. Isso se deve muito à forma de organização e à outorga de competências conferidas aosentes federativos. O modelo de federação criado no Brasil apresenta peculiaridades em relação a outros modelos existentes no mundo. Uma das mais evidentes é o reconhecimento constitucional dos municípios como ente integrante de sua estrutura, dotando-os de autonomia em relação aos Estados-membros e à União, bem como conferidas atribuições políticas e administrativas próprias. Esse status transformou consideravelmente o papel das municipalidades brasileiras após o advento da Constituição de 1988. Mas, infelizmente, a forma de distribuição dos recursos públicos do país concentra grande parte das receitas nos entes federativos de maior dimensão, em especial da União. Essa desproporcionalidade impede que as municipalidades exerçam, de forma plena, todas as missões que lhes foram outorgadas. Em consequência,eles sentem o peso das várias incumbências a serem desenvolvidas, sem que possuam as verbas suficientes para isso. Uma das soluções para minimizar essa situação está na iniciativa dese integrarem a outros entes para que, de forma conjunta, concretizem as políticas públicas necessárias à população. Atualmente, verifica-se que muitos problemas existentes nos municípios são comuns a todos que estejam situados em determinada região. Esse fenômeno ocorre principalmente quando a expansão urbana gerou as conurbações, interligando os municípios de uma forma tal que acabam compartilhando, os anseios e mazelas. Prevendo essa situação, o constituinte brasileiro de 1988 outorgouaos Estados-membros a prerrogativa de instituir as regiões metropolitanas e outras formas de unidade territorial urbana.Possibilitou, comoisso, a criação de uma organização administrativa que pudesse desenvolverações estatais de dimensão regional, conjugando os esforços dos entes federativos envolvidos para a consecução do bem comum. Aproveitando a existência dessas regionalidades administrativas, surgiunas câmaras de vereadores o anseio de ampliar seu campo de atuação para levar à discussão regional os temas inerentes a todos os municípios que as integram.Assim, criaram-se em algumas partes do país, os parlamentos metropolitanos.Consistem em um fórum de discussão e atuação integrada das edilidades municipais inseridas nessas unidades territoriais urbanas. A presente pesquisa tem como objeto central analisar a formação e atuação desses parlamentos, bem como os resultados já alcançados por alguns, além de sugerir propostas que venham fortalecer o seu papel. Essas instituições podem contribuir consideravelmente para o aperfeiçoamento da denominada governança interfederativa das regiões metropolitanas, nos termos que são propostos pelo Estatuto das Metrópoles (Lei Federal n. 13.089/15). Trata-sede um vetor de colaboração e associação entre os entes e órgãos de poder integrantes da região metropolitana, em busca de concretizar as funções públicas de interesse comumem prol da população nela inserida. / For a long time, members of the Brazilian assembly of councilors had had their political actions limited to the territorial circumscription of the respective municipalities. this is due much to the bestow of conferred competences to federal entities. The federation model created in Brazil shows peculiarities in relation to other existing models in the world. One of the most evident is the constitutional recognition of municipalities as integrant entity to its structure, providing them with autonomy in relation to the Member States and the Union as well as attributions conferred the own political and administrative duties. This status has transformed considerably the role of the Brazilian municipality after the advent of the Constitution of 1988. But unfortunately, the way of distribution of public resources of the country focus its great part of the revenues in the larger dimension federal entities, particularly of the Union. This disproportionality prevents that the municipality exerts, fully, all the missions that were bestowed to them. As a result, they feel the weight of the various tasks to be developed without having sufficient funds for it. One of the solutions to minimize this situation is the initiative to join the other entities ones so that, jointly, they can concretize the public policies necessary to the population. Currently, check itself that existing problems in the cities are common to all who are located in a given region. This phenomenon occurs, principally when urban sprawl generated the conurbations, linking municipalities in such a way that end up sharing the anxieties and ills. Anticipating this situation, the Brazilian constituent 1988 has bestowed to the Member States the prerogative to institute the metropolitan areas and other urban land unit. Allowed, therewith, the creation of an administrative organization that could develop state actions with a regional dimension, conjugating the efforts of the federal entities involved in an attainment the common good. Taking advantage of the existence of these administrative regionalities arose in the councilors chambers the desire to enlarge their actuation field to take the regional debate the issues inherent to all municipalities that comprise it. Thereby, were created in some parts of the country, metropolitan parliaments. They consist of a discussion forum and integrated performance of the inserted town council these urban units. This research has as its central object to analyze the formation and actuation of these parliaments and the results already achieved by some, besides suggesting proposals that will strengthen its role. These institutions can contribute substantially to the improvement of the so called interfederativa governance of metropolitan areas, in the terms that are proposed by the Statute of the Metropolis (Federal Law n. 13.089/15). Its about a collaborative vector and association among entities and organs of integrated power of the metropolitan area, seeking concretizing the public functions of common interest on behalf of the population.

No description available.

The aim of the paper is to investigate to what extent political parties in the Scandinavian parliaments express opinions on labor immigration in line with the policy preferences predicted by the Stolper-Samuleson theorem. A hypothesis derived from the theorem suggests that left wing parties traditionally connected to labor interests should favor restrictions on labor immigration to a greater extent than right wing parties traditionally connected to businesses and market interests. To establish any such trend, parties are placed on a left-right axis according to their given Rile scores. The findings indicate that there is some evidence for a left-right divide regarding parties' assumed factor interests labor and capital, but the basis for these findings are limited and inferences should be made with care.

Durante muito tempo, os membros das câmaras de vereadores brasileiras tiveram suas atuações políticas limitadas à circunscrição territorial dos seus respectivos municípios. Isso se deve muito à forma de organização e à outorga de competências conferidas aosentes federativos. O modelo de federação criado no Brasil apresenta peculiaridades em relação a outros modelos existentes no mundo. Uma das mais evidentes é o reconhecimento constitucional dos municípios como ente integrante de sua estrutura, dotando-os de autonomia em relação aos Estados-membros e à União, bem como conferidas atribuições políticas e administrativas próprias. Esse status transformou consideravelmente o papel das municipalidades brasileiras após o advento da Constituição de 1988. Mas, infelizmente, a forma de distribuição dos recursos públicos do país concentra grande parte das receitas nos entes federativos de maior dimensão, em especial da União. Essa desproporcionalidade impede que as municipalidades exerçam, de forma plena, todas as missões que lhes foram outorgadas. Em consequência,eles sentem o peso das várias incumbências a serem desenvolvidas, sem que possuam as verbas suficientes para isso. Uma das soluções para minimizar essa situação está na iniciativa dese integrarem a outros entes para que, de forma conjunta, concretizem as políticas públicas necessárias à população. Atualmente, verifica-se que muitos problemas existentes nos municípios são comuns a todos que estejam situados em determinada região. Esse fenômeno ocorre principalmente quando a expansão urbana gerou as conurbações, interligando os municípios de uma forma tal que acabam compartilhando, os anseios e mazelas. Prevendo essa situação, o constituinte brasileiro de 1988 outorgouaos Estados-membros a prerrogativa de instituir as regiões metropolitanas e outras formas de unidade territorial urbana.Possibilitou, comoisso, a criação de uma organização administrativa que pudesse desenvolverações estatais de dimensão regional, conjugando os esforços dos entes federativos envolvidos para a consecução do bem comum. Aproveitando a existência dessas regionalidades administrativas, surgiunas câmaras de vereadores o anseio de ampliar seu campo de atuação para levar à discussão regional os temas inerentes a todos os municípios que as integram.Assim, criaram-se em algumas partes do país, os parlamentos metropolitanos.Consistem em um fórum de discussão e atuação integrada das edilidades municipais inseridas nessas unidades territoriais urbanas. A presente pesquisa tem como objeto central analisar a formação e atuação desses parlamentos, bem como os resultados já alcançados por alguns, além de sugerir propostas que venham fortalecer o seu papel. Essas instituições podem contribuir consideravelmente para o aperfeiçoamento da denominada governança interfederativa das regiões metropolitanas, nos termos que são propostos pelo Estatuto das Metrópoles (Lei Federal n. 13.089/15). Trata-sede um vetor de colaboração e associação entre os entes e órgãos de poder integrantes da região metropolitana, em busca de concretizar as funções públicas de interesse comumem prol da população nela inserida. / For a long time, members of the Brazilian assembly of councilors had had their political actions limited to the territorial circumscription of the respective municipalities. this is due much to the bestow of conferred competences to federal entities. The federation model created in Brazil shows peculiarities in relation to other existing models in the world. One of the most evident is the constitutional recognition of municipalities as integrant entity to its structure, providing them with autonomy in relation to the Member States and the Union as well as attributions conferred the own political and administrative duties. This status has transformed considerably the role of the Brazilian municipality after the advent of the Constitution of 1988. But unfortunately, the way of distribution of public resources of the country focus its great part of the revenues in the larger dimension federal entities, particularly of the Union. This disproportionality prevents that the municipality exerts, fully, all the missions that were bestowed to them. As a result, they feel the weight of the various tasks to be developed without having sufficient funds for it. One of the solutions to minimize this situation is the initiative to join the other entities ones so that, jointly, they can concretize the public policies necessary to the population. Currently, check itself that existing problems in the cities are common to all who are located in a given region. This phenomenon occurs, principally when urban sprawl generated the conurbations, linking municipalities in such a way that end up sharing the anxieties and ills. Anticipating this situation, the Brazilian constituent 1988 has bestowed to the Member States the prerogative to institute the metropolitan areas and other urban land unit. Allowed, therewith, the creation of an administrative organization that could develop state actions with a regional dimension, conjugating the efforts of the federal entities involved in an attainment the common good. Taking advantage of the existence of these administrative regionalities arose in the councilors chambers the desire to enlarge their actuation field to take the regional debate the issues inherent to all municipalities that comprise it. Thereby, were created in some parts of the country, metropolitan parliaments. They consist of a discussion forum and integrated performance of the inserted town council these urban units. This research has as its central object to analyze the formation and actuation of these parliaments and the results already achieved by some, besides suggesting proposals that will strengthen its role. These institutions can contribute substantially to the improvement of the so called interfederativa governance of metropolitan areas, in the terms that are proposed by the Statute of the Metropolis (Federal Law n. 13.089/15). Its about a collaborative vector and association among entities and organs of integrated power of the metropolitan area, seeking concretizing the public functions of common interest on behalf of the population.

La thèse compare l’Assemblée nationale et le Bundestag en ce qui concerne l’évolution dans le temps des pratiques des affaires européennes qu’ont les députés, et de leurs discours sur le rôle des parlements dans l’UE. Elle met en lumière une évolution paradoxale : A mesure que les députés se saisissent de l’Europe, les pratiques parlementaires nationales imprègnent de plus en plus leurs discours sur la démocratie parlementaire dans l’UE. L’analyse se fait à travers une « description dense » (« thick description») fondée sur des documents, de la littérature secondaire et des entretiens avec des acteurs parlementaires, en activité aujourd’hui ou dans le passé. Les débats parlementaires sont analysés à l’aide d’une méthode qualitative-quantitative qui compare les clivages des discours dans le temps. La thèse soutient l’argument selon lequel les néo-institutionnalismes, qui prévalent actuellement dans les études européennes, ne suffisent pas pour comprendre les processus d'institutionnalisation, qui ont lieu dans les parlements nationaux, parallèlement à l'évolution de la législation européenne. En intégrant des éléments de la « practice theory », du social-constructivisme de Peter Berger et Thomas Luckmann et de l’« ancien » institutionnalisme de Max Weber, on peut comprendre les observations comme le fruit d’un changement des « motifs d’action » discursive des acteurs. A mesure que leur expérience de l’UE s’accroit, les députés évaluent la démocratie européenne de moins en moins sur la base de réflexions a priori sur le futur de l’intégration européenne, mais en fonction des pratiques qu’ils expérimentent tous les jours. / The thesis compares EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU across time, in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag. The thesis brings to light the presence of a European Integration Paradox: Members of Parliaments’ rising experience in EU participation has led to an increasing importance of domestic roles for MPs’ ‘word and deed’ in EU affairs. EU practice is analysed through ‘thick description,’ which is based on primary and secondary interview evidence with current and historical parliamentary actors as well as the study of documents and secondary literature. Assessments of discourse on the role of parliaments are conducted through a systematic deductive-inductive analysis of debates on selected EU treaty changes. This thesis argues that neo-institutionalisms currently prevalent in EU studies are inadequate for understanding the institutionalisation processes at work in national parliaments with increasing EU legislation. Integrating elements of practice theory, of the social-constructivists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann and the ‘old’ institutionalism of Max Weber, the observations can be interpreted as change of ‘motives’ of discursive action of the actors. With rising experience of ‘doing EU’, Members of Parliament evaluate the role of parliaments in the EU less on the basis of a priori considerations but depending of their day-to-day parliamentary practice.

The long-spun Brexit process has been named a symbol of an alleged disconnection between the European Union’s high-level decision-makers and its citizens. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the role of national parliaments in brining EU affairs closer to the citizens. More specifically, it turns attention to the Riksdag, and to how informative parliamentary debates on EU affairs are communicated to Swedish citizens. Earlier studies have provided valuable insights into how political opinions on EU affairs are presented in electoral manifestoes and behind closed doors in the Riksdag’s committees. By conducting a quantitative content analysis on Swedish news medias’ coverage of the Riksdag’s debate on EU-affairs over the last ten years, this study offers a first insight into how EU debates are conveyed to the wider Swedish audience. Drawing on previous research on national parliaments, the concept of opposition and theories from the field of political communication, three hypotheses are formulated. While the first hypothesis aims to test whether Swedish news media provide citizens a diverse set of positions from the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs, the second hypothesis seeks to illuminate which parliamentary actors that are most prominent in medias’ reporting from the Riksdag. Finally, the third hypothesis turns attention to the mode in which EU affairs are presented in news media. None of the hypotheses are unambiguously supported by evidence. The implications are that the media to some extent filter the parliamentary debate. A filter that at occasions may exclude diverging positions on EU affairs. Further, though governments are presented as the main actor in the majority of all analysed articles, the Riksdag is close behind. The result implies that the Riksdag is indeed competing with the government in being the main agenda setter in Swedish news media. Nevertheless, it also suggests that oftentimes, the Riksdag is referred to as one unit, without news media distinguishing the diverging positions within the institution. Finally, the finding from the third hypothesis suggests that the Riksdag is somewhat restricted when it comes to shaping the discourse surrounding EU affairs. In spite of the Riksdag’s increased focus on policy-aspects of EU affairs, the mediated image of the very same debate may still be presented as a concern of polity or procedure. Ultimately, despite not providing any clear support for the hypotheses, the somewhat filtered mediated image of the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs may carry implications for national parliaments’ ability to bring EU affairs closer to the citizens of the Union.