Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5118.pdf: 2349984 bytes, checksum: f7f2dd9acdf4457bdb79a46f937a8405 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-24 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The project aims to investigate the distribution of power, their reproduction and their implications in the organization of the National Liberation Party (PLN) in Costa Rica, during the period 1990-2010. In a context characterized by changes in the party system and the electoral system in Costa Rica, the PLN was affected by deep divisions, motivated by personal and ideological interests. The intraparty struggle for control of the lines of authority meant a challenge to the power structure and the party's electoral aspirations. In front of the crisis, the dominant coalition that takes control of the party manages to reverse the situation, making to adapt the party to environmental conditions by controlling areas of uncertainty, and co-opting groups that confronted the intraparty fight. Strengthening the party organization, the dominant coalition succeeded to secure their survival and organizational stability. / O projeto tem como objetivo investigar a distribuição do poder, sua reprodução e as implicações destas na organização do Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN) da Costa Rica, durante o período 1990-2010. Em um contexto marcado por mudanças no sistema partidário e no sistema eleitoral costarriquenho, o PLN foi afetado por divisões profundas, motivadas por interesses pessoais e ideológicos. A luta intrapartidária pelo controle das linhas de autoridade significou um desafio para a estrutura de poder e para as aspirações eleitorais do partido. Em frente da crise, a coalizão dominante que toma o controle do partido consegue reverter a situação, conseguindo adaptar o partido às condições ambientais, controlando as zonas de incerteza, e cooptando os grupos que confrontou na luta intrapartidária. Fortalecendo a organização partidária, a coalizão dominante conseguiu garantir sua sobrevivência e estabilidade organizativa.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

This study aims at examining the level of institutionalization of the argentine party system as well as the Justicialist party. The paper presents two parallel analyses on the argentine party system and the Justicialist Party using two different perspectives on the concept of institutionalization. The first is a qualitative analysis using Mainwaring and Scully’s (1995) theory and operationalization of institutionalizations of party systems. This part analyses presidential and parliamentary electoral results in the period between 1995 and 2013. The second part of the study is a qualitative analysis of the Justicialist Party within the theoretical framework proposed by Randall and Svåsand (2002). This section analyses the origins of the party and its history throughout the 1900’s focusing on the character of the party, the relationship between the party as a whole and its leader(s) as well as the relationship between the party as a whole and its different factions.

The master thesis "Comparison of the development of party systems in the Czech Republic and in the Slovak Republic in 2010-2020" is focused on the analysis of the development of the Czech and Slovak party system in the years 2010-2020 and their mutual comparison. So the milestone for the analysis was the years 2010-2020. During this period there were fundamental changes in the Czech and Slovak party systems, which was the main reason for choosing this topic. The individual periods of development of both party systems will be defined by parliamentary elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and to the National Council of the Slovak Republic. The analysis is based on the methods mentioned in the theoretical part of the work and on the classical typologies of party systems of M. Duverger, J. Blondel and G. Sartori. In the analysis itself, electoral statistics, surveys of electoral preferences and media sources are largely used. Among the main criteria for the analysis, the number and size of political parties and their relevance were determined. The relevance means the determination of coalition or blackmail potential. Furthermore, the degree of fragmentation of the party system and the main cleavages will be determined. The comparison will be based on an analysis...

First chapters of the final thesis "are paid to brief introduction of the cleavages theory and the possibility of its use in partial system of Czech Republic. Following chapters analyze the origination and development of Green Parties in Western Europe, while greater attention is paid to history of Green Party in Czech Republic, its ideological and political alignment. The content analysis attempts to prove the cleavages theory of Czech Green Party after 2005 and compare it with cleavages of western European Green Parties. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The aim of this thesis is to place Slovak political party SMER in the political and party system of the Slovak Republic and attempt to analyse ideological and programmatic development of this party. The author devotes attention to development of SMER from the emergence in 1999 until last general elections in 2012. First chapter seeks to describe evolution of socialism and following ideologies including the concept of the Third way which was reflected by some Western European social democratic parties. The second chapter is dedicated to left-wing political parties in Czechoslovakia and lately in Slovak Republic. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section is about parties existing before 1989 and the second one devotes attention to parties after Velvet Revolution in 1989. Next part of this work is focused on the SMER itself. Author describes three phases of development of this party including emergence in 1999, opposition activities between 2002 and 2006 and phase of hegemony following after 2006. The purpose of the last part of the thesis is to analyse ideological and programmatic development of SMER and highlight some problematic features of proclaimed social democratic orientation.

The thesis examines a phenomenon of small political parties in the Czech Republic in the period since 1998 until now. It reveals their position in the Czech party system, their potential to survive in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and examines their chances of being a relevant coalition partner. The thesis is divided into 6 parts. An introduction opens the issue of small political parties. In the first chapter there is an identification of small political parties acting in the Czech political system. It focuses on their formation and development, their participation in elections, entering the Chamber of Deputies, prospective coalition cooperation and their current activity without any representation within the Parliament. In the next chapter the theses examines electoral systems and their key variables in regards to small political parties by using a concrete example of the election mechanism used for the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The question of election reform is raised together with revealing the key points of a relevant academic and public discussion. The last chapter examines the relationship among small political parties and media in regards to the key moments of election campaigns for the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament. The hypothesis stated in...

Despite promising prospects to transition towards a democracy after attaining its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe somehow fell into authoritarian rule and became increasingly undemocratic compared to other countries in southern Africa. Therefore, this thesis seeks to understand why a “most likely” case of democratization in the region failed and instead slipped into authoritarianism between 1980 and 2000. The single case study investigates a set of elite level dynamics, using components of process tracing and case study techniques. The analysis is built upon a theoretical framework focusing on dimensions of power dynamics in terms of Bratton’s power capture, power division and power sharing along with Svolik’s politics of authoritarian rule and the dominant party system. The research indicates that the political party Zanu-Pf, under the leadership of Mugabe, has dominated the political arena since the first democratic elections of 1980. With the help of the party’s majority, the ruling elites captured, divided, shared and controlled power; to serve authoritarian ends that ensured regime survival at the expense of democracy.

This master thesis focuses on the development of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) between the years 1990 and 2005. At the beginning of this period, Germany was reunited. At the end, the coalition government of the SPD and the Greens came to its end and the SPD lost the office of the Chancellor. The first chapter of this thesis summarizes the post- war development of the SPD, which is crucial for better understanding of the events after the year 1990. The following chapters are, in accordance with the election period focused on the period of 1990 - 2005. The main focus of this thesis are the important phenomena which were linked to the SPD during the analysed period. Attention is paid to the debates within the party regarding economic, social and foreign policy or personnel issues. The main program documents of the SPD from the years 1990 - 2005 are analysed. All the mentioned information is summarised and interpreted.