Cannabis är den vanligaste illegala drogen i Sverige, och dess konsumtion är ständigt växande. De senaste årens massiva ökning av dödsskjutningar tros vara ett resultat av konflikter mellan kriminella nätverk i fråga om just cannabisförsäljning. För att ta itu med dessa problem måste vi först lära oss mer om de platser där hantering av cannabis sker, i synnerhet försäljning. Den här studien ämnar ge en inblick i hur de här platserna ser ut, vad som kännetecknar dem, och varför just dessa blir utvalda för drogrelaterade aktiviteter, med målet att formulera förslag på hur de kan utformas så att försäljningen av cannabis förebyggs. Studien utfördes genom fältarbete och tillämpandet av ett särskilt fältprotokoll där variabler avsedda att beskriva förhållanden i miljön bedömdes. Dataunderlaget kom från polisens register över arresteringar för misstanke om överlåtelse av cannabis under åren 2019–2020. Vad som kan sägas är att en typisk plats låg i ett bostadsområde med flervåningshus, avskild från stora folkmassor och trafik, öppen med god sikt, och med god tillgänglighet. De erhållna resultaten analyserades sedan i relation till kriminologiska teorier, i syfte att skapa en större förståelse om varför brotten inträffar just där. För att kunna förhindra cannabishandeln på dessa platser har lösningsförslag baserade på principer i CPTED-strategin framförts. Dessa gäller bland annat ökad övervakning från byggnader runtomkring samt att ta upp kampen om det sociala rummet genom att skapa en känsla av ökad territorialitet på platserna. Rapporten avslutas med en utvärdering av den nyttjade metoden samt en diskussion om komplexiteten i att lösa problemen enkom genom åtgärder i stadsmiljön, då det finns en rad andra faktorer som spelar in. Det vi samhällsplanerare kan erbjuda är lösningsalternativ som må stävja brottsligheten, men i slutändan är det individer som väljer att begå dessa kriminella handlingar. / Cannabis is the most common illegal drug in Sweden, and its consumption is constantly increasing. The massive rise in fatal shootings in recent years is believed to be a result of conflicts between criminal networks regarding cannabis sales. To address these issues, we must first learn more about the places in which cannabis occurs, particularly dealing. This study aims to provide an insight into what these places look like, what characterizes them, and why these are selected for drug-related activities, with the aim of offering suggestions on how they could be designed to prevent the dealing of cannabis. The study was carried out through fieldwork and the utilization of a special fieldwork protocol in which variables intended to describe conditions in the environment were assessed. The data came from police records of arrests for suspicions of selling cannabis during the years 2019– 2020. What can be said is that a typical place was in a residential area with multi-storey buildings, separated from large crowds and traffic, open with good visibility, and with good accessibility. The results obtained were then analyzed in relation to criminological theories, to create a greater understanding of why the crimes occur right there. In order to prevent the cannabis dealing in these places, proposed solutions have been put forward based on principles in the CPTED strategy. These include increased surveillance from surrounding buildings and taking up the fight about the social space by creating a sense of increased territoriality in the places. The report ends with an evaluation of the method used and a discussion about the complexity of solving the problems solely through measures in the urban environment, as there are a number of other factors that come into play. What we urban planners can offer are alternative solutions that may curb crime, but in the end, it is individuals who decide to commit these criminal acts.

This thesis examines Robert Nozick’s critique of John Rawls’s theory of justice, focusing on the Chamberlain Argument as a challenging example in their debate. The Chamberlain Argument illustrates the tension between Rawls’s theory, which aims to distribute resources according to a certain pattern for social benefit, and its implications on individual freedom. Nozick argues that such patterned theories infringe upon individual liberty by coercively redistributing resources. Through analysis of patterned theory, it becomes evident, Nozick claims, that such frameworks prioritize specific distributions over individual liberty. I find that Nozick made a valid point in his objection to Rawls. However, I consider that the problem of patterned theories represented by Nozick in his critique of Rawls, is rooted in the first principle, not in the second. I assert that there is much more literature on Rawls’s second principle, but much less on his first principle. To address Nozick’s critique, this thesis proposes a modification to Rawls’s first principle, emphasizing self-respect as a foundational value. By reconceptualizing liberty within the Rawlsian framework, this thesis aims to fortify it against objections like the Chamberlain Argument, ultimately enhancing its coherence and theoretical robustness. For this reason, the research question is as follows: How can the Rawlsian theory overcome the Chamberlain argument? The one thesis I will pursue is that Rawls’s two principles can be immune to Nozick’s Chamberlain Argument, when the first principle is modified according to the priority of rights over liberty. To do so, the goal is to defend a Rawlsian pattern theory of justice. Firstly, I show that the first principle should be grounded on the priority of the rights instead of the good of the person. By reconceptualizing the concept of self-respect, I show that Rawls’s first principle is mainly focused on a negative concept of liberty, which I modify to a positive concept through what I call reciprocal self-respect. Secondly, I formulate responses to Nozick’s Chamberlain Argument and argue that social justice requires a holistic view of the society, not only as individuals, but also as collective and common. This view emphasizes the interdependency of individuals in a society, which presupposes duties of reciprocal self-respect, chosen rationally in the original position behind the veil of ignorance. Thus, Chamberlain would never have been able to make profits and succeed without society, infrastructure, opportunities and hotbed for success and self-determination.

The dissertation discusses topics in environmental criminology, which is concerned with crime in relation to the environment where it occurs. The environmental approach is based upon a premise that occurrence of crime in space is neither random nor uniform. On the contrary, various types and forms of criminal activity tend to concentrate in certain places during certain times. Environmental characteristics play an important role in behaviour of individuals, hence it is possible to analyse them as one of the most important determinants of criminal behaviour. The aim of the thesis is to comprehensively introduce to the Czech and Slovak legal and criminological scholarship historical background, development and the main contemporary theoretical approaches in environmental criminology, as well as their implications and utilization in crime analysis and crime prevention. The theoretical part discusses in detail rational choice perspective, routine activity approach and crime pattern theory as an environmental meta-theory. The analytical part introduces the basics of the methods of crime mapping and geographical profiling. It also demonstrates how statistical and mapping techniques can be utilized in practice, using a set of police data concerning thefts from motor vehicles in Prague during the first...

The opportunity theory for crime is composed of three partial concepts. The first concept is the routine activity theory that works with a potential offender, a suitable target and a capable guardian. The opportunity for crime occurs in the moment when the offender faces the target while guardians are absent. The second concept, the rational choice perspective, is based on the idea that the offender considers benefit and risk stemming from the crime. The third concept is the crime pattern theory that focuses on the importance of time and space. This master thesis focuses on the usability of the opportunity theory for crime in the context of our current society. Although the opportunity theory for crime is nearly forty years old, this work shows that it is also applicable on cybercrime since some of the "classical" crimes moved from physical space to cyberspace. The potential offender and suitable target exist and behave similarly in cyberspace and in physical space. The difference between the two worlds is notable for the capable guardian, who does not occur randomly in the cyberspace but is embodied in the form of ever-present protection. The opportunity theory also claims that the opportunities are highly specific, they play role in causing all crime, they are influenced by technological...

Notre compréhension de la mobilité criminelle repose presque exclusivement sur des études sur le journey-to-crime qui portent sur l'analyse des distances parcourues par les délinquants entre leur domicile et le lieu de leurs crimes. Dans cette thèse, nous nous demandons d'abord si la pertinence théorique et la validité méthodologique sous-jacente à la mesure de journey-to-crime ont été suffisamment démontrées pour justifier son influence dominante dans le domaine de la criminologie environnementale. Sur la base d'une analyse critique des recherches sur le journey-to-crime, nous soutenons que si l'intérêt pour la mesure est compréhensible, il existe de meilleures façons de mesurer la mobilité criminelle. Nous démontrons que certains postulats implicites qui la sous-tendent sont trompeurs et que de nombreux biais méthodologiques limitent son utilité. Nous suggérons que pour mieux comprendre la mobilité criminelle, le journey-to-crime devrait devenir complémentaire à de nouvelles mesures plus raffinées. Des implications pour les études futures sont proposées. Nous quantifions ensuite de manière empirique les différents biais méthodologiques de la mesure de journey-to-crime en examinant dans quelle mesure ceux-ci affectent sa capacité à estimer le « véritable » trajet effectué par les délinquants lors de la perpétration de leurs crimes. À l'aide de données policières, d'entrevues et de technologies numériques de cartographie, l'itinéraire détaillé emprunté par 98 délinquants lors de 449 crimes de vol est reconstitué afin de tester certaines des hypothèses qui sous-tendent la mesure de journey-to-crime. Les données policières utilisées pour calculer les distances résidence-crime se sont révélées être suffisamment fiables au niveau du lieu du crime, mais peu fiables pour ce qui est du lieu de résidence du délinquant. Plusieurs raisons sont fournies pour expliquer pourquoi les policiers ont de la difficulté à identifier correctement où un délinquant réside réellement le jour d'un crime donné. La résidence des délinquants s'est distinguée comme un endroit important de leur parcours criminel, mais le trajet effectivement emprunté par ces derniers s'est avéré beaucoup plus complexe que l'itinéraire résidence-crime-résidence présumé par la mesure de journey-to-crime. Malgré ses nombreuses lacunes, nos résultats ont démontré que cette mesure pouvait quand même être considérée comme une estimation valide et utile de la distance totale réellement parcourue lors d'un crime par les auteurs de vols qualifiés et d'autres vols, mais pas par les auteurs de cambriolages et de vols de véhicule à moteur. Les implications pour la recherche sur la mobilité criminelle et les études futures sont abordées. Nous investiguons finalement le nomadisme criminel, soit la propension d'un individu à s'engager dans des déplacements interurbains continus ou intermittents comme moyen de faire face aux conséquences de son mode de vie criminel (p. ex., stigmatisation, pauvreté, désorganisation, etc.) et/ou comme stratégie d'adaptation à la réalité d'être un « criminel de carrière ». L'itinéraire des crimes commis au Canada pendant la carrière criminelle de 448 hommes reconnus coupables d'infractions sexuelles a été reconstitué grâce à des entrevues individuelles et à l'analyse détaillée de casiers judiciaires. Cinq composantes distinctes du nomadisme criminel (c.-à-d., nombre de trajets, nombre de points nodaux, longueur des routes, étendue géographique de la criminalité et superficie de la zone d'activité mesospatiale), inspirées de la théorie des patrons criminels (crime pattern theory), sont suggérées et analysées. Les résultats montrent que le nomadisme criminel est davantage la réalité de gens de race blanche, jeunes et éduqués, qui ont une carrière criminelle prolifique entrecoupée de longues peines d'incarcération. Les délinquants nomades n'errent pas au hasard, mais semblent plutôt chercher des opportunités et un retour à une certaine forme d'anonymat. Les variables relatives aux infractions sexuelles n'ont pas apporté une contribution significative aux modèles de prédiction, ce qui donne à penser que le nomadisme criminel est davantage un phénomène criminel général que spécifique aux infractions sexuelles. Nos résultats suggèrent qu'une carrière criminelle prolifique est généralement associée à un mode de vie nomade et géographiquement dispersé. Les implications pour les politiques publiques et les études futures sont abordées. / Our collective understanding of criminal mobility relies almost exclusively on journey-to-crime research, which focuses on the distances traveled by offenders from their homes to the location of their crimes. In this thesis, we first ask whether the theoretical relevance and the methodological validity underlying the journey-to-crime measurement are sufficient for it to continue to be a leading influence in the field of environmental criminology. Based on a critical review of the foundations of journey-to-crime research, we argue that while the interest in the journey-to-crime measurement is understandable, there are better ways to assess criminal mobility. Some likely misleading implicit presuppositions and methodological biases are identified, and the manner in which they affect our comprehension of criminal mobility is discussed. We suggest that a better understanding of criminal mobility would come from complementing journey-to-crime with new, more refined, measures. Implications for future studies are proposed. We then empirically quantify the methodological biases of the journey-to-crime measurement, by investigating the extent to which they affect its ability to estimate the itineraries offenders actually travel during the perpetration of their crimes. With the support of police-arrest records, interviews, and web-mapping technologies, the detailed route taken by 98 offenders during 449 theft-related crimes are reconstructed in order to test some of the key assumptions underlying journey-to-crime research. Police data used to compute home-crime distances have been found to provide satisfactorily accurate crime-location addresses, but poorly accurate offender home-addresses. Several explanations of why the police have problems correctly identifying where an offender is truly residing on the day of a given crime are presented. Even if the offender's residence was the most important node in their crime journey, the actual travel undertaken by offenders was much more complex than the home-crime-home itinerary assumed by the journey-to-crime measurement. Despite its numerous drawbacks, the traditional journey-to-crime measure is still a valid and useful proxy for the total distance actually traveled by offenders in robbery and “other theft”, but not in burglary and motor-vehicle theft. Implications for criminal mobility research and future studies are discussed. We finally investigate criminal nomadism ― an individual’s propensity to engage in continuous or intermittent interurban travel as a way to cope with the consequences of their criminal lifestyle (e.g., stigma, poverty, disorganization, etc.) and/or as a strategy to adapt to the reality of being a “career criminal.” The criminal-career itinerary across Canada of 448 men convicted of sex offenses was reconstructed through individual interviews and analysis of detailed criminal records. Five distinct components of criminal nomadism (i.e., trips, nodes, paths, range, and mesolevel activity space), inspired by crime pattern theory, are suggested and analyzed. Results show that criminal nomadism is the reality of young and educated Whites who have a prolific criminal career interspersed with long incarceration sentences. Nomadic offenders did not wander freely and randomly, but rather seemed to be looking for opportunities and privacy. Sex-offending variables did not make a significant contribution to predictions, suggesting that criminal nomadism is more a general offending phenomenon than something specific to sex offending. This provides supporting evidence for the hypothesis that an extensive criminal career is generally associated with a geographically scattered and nomadic lifestyle. Implications for public policies and future studies are discussed.

Text in English with abstracts in English, isiZulu and Xhosa / This research applies the Near Repeat Calculator (NRC) to identify near repeat residential burglary patterns in the Hillcrest (KZN) policing area for the first time. A total of 490 residential burglaries, over a 12-month period, reported to Hillcrest police station were mapped (geocoded) and the near repeat calculations were visualised using the Geographic Information Systems (GIS). The month-to-month near repeat calculations are analysed and suggest that the NRC is a valuable tool that can predict the space-time locations of near repeat residential burglaries in the Hillcrest policing area. / Lolu cwaningo lusebenzisa i-Near Repeat Calculator (NRC) ukuhlonza amaphethini okuphindaphindeka kwezigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya endaweni eyenganyelwe yisiteshi samaphoyisa sase-Hillcrest (KZN). Izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya ezingama-490 ezabikwa esiteshini samaphoyisa sase- Hillcrest esikhathini esiyizinyanga eziyi-12 zaboniswa emfanekisweni webalazwe lendawo (geocoded) futhi izilinganiso zamathuba okuthi ziphinde zenzeke izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya zaboniswa ngokuthi kusetshenziswe umfanekiso owenziwe nge-Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Kwahlaziywa amathuba enyanga nenyanga okuphindaphindeka kwezigameko, futhi imiphumela eyatholakala kulokhu iyabonisa ukuthi i-NRC iyithuluzi eliwusizo impela elingabikezela izindawo nesikhathi lapho kungaphinda futhi kwenzeke khona izigameko zokugqekezwa kwamakhaya endaweni eyenganyelwe yisiteshi samaphoyisa sase-Hillcrest. / Olu phando lusebenzisa uhlobo lokubala olwaziwa ngokuba yiNear Repeat Calculator (NRC) ngenjongo yokubona isimbo sokuqhekezwa kwezindlu zabantu kummandla ophantsi kwamapolisa aseHillcrest (eKZN). Kuqwalaselwe ama-490 eziganeko zoqhekezo lwemizi ezaxelwa emapoliseni aseHillcrest kwisithuba seenyanga ezili-12, kwaye uhlobo lokubala oluqikelela ukuphindwa kweziganeko zoqhekezo luboniswe ngokusebenzisa inkqubo ekuthiwa yiGeographic Information Systems (GIS). Ubalo oluqikelela ukuphindwa kweziganeko luphononongiwe kwinyanga nenyanga, kwaye iziphumo zibonisa ukuba iNRC sisixhobo esinexabiso, esinokukwazi ukuqikelela indawo nexesha apho kunokuphinda kuqhekezwe khona kummandla ophantsi kwamapolisa aseHillcrest. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Criminology)