This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian. After a brief introduction, chapters 2-3 deal with bare noun objects, firstly comparing them with nominals marked with indefinite morpheme -i suffixed to the noun, and the determiner yek. A bare noun object differs from morphologically marked nominals as it shows properties associated with noun incorporation in the literature (chapter 2). Of particular interest are the discourse properties of these ‘quasi-incorporated’ nominals. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, Persian belongs to the class of discourse opaque languages within Mithun’s classification (1984). However, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. There are no overt anaphoric expressions that could match such number-neutral antecedents in Persian. But covert anaphora lack number features, and hence can serve as means to pick up a number-neutral discourse referent. Also, in case world knowledge tells us that the number-neutral discourse referent is anchored to an atomic entity or to a collection, then an overt singular pronoun or an overt plural pronoun might fit the combined linguistic and conceptual requirements, and may be used to pick up the number-neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory. In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. Following Diesing, I assume that VP-internal variables are subject to an operation of Existential Closure. In many cases, VP-external –ra-marked objects have a different interpretation to their VP-internal, non-ra-marked, counterparts, because of escaping Existential Closure. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. We assume that VP-internal subjects exist, under two independent but converging assumptions. The first is prosodic in nature: Subjects can be accented without being narrowly focused; theories of Persian prosody predict then that there is a maximal constituent that contains both the subject and the verb as its head. The second is semantic in nature: Bare nouns require an external existential closure operation to be interpreted existentially, and we have to assume existential closure over the VP for our analysis of the interpretation of objects. So, this existential closure would provide the necessary quantificational force for bare noun subjects as well. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.

This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian. After a brief introduction, chapters 2-3 deal with bare noun objects, firstly comparing them with nominals marked with indefinite morpheme -i suffixed to the noun, and the determiner yek. A bare noun object differs from morphologically marked nominals as it shows properties associated with noun incorporation in the literature (chapter 2). Of particular interest are the discourse properties of these ‘quasi-incorporated’ nominals. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, Persian belongs to the class of discourse opaque languages within Mithun’s classification (1984). However, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. There are no overt anaphoric expressions that could match such number-neutral antecedents in Persian. But covert anaphora lack number features, and hence can serve as means to pick up a number-neutral discourse referent. Also, in case world knowledge tells us that the number-neutral discourse referent is anchored to an atomic entity or to a collection, then an overt singular pronoun or an overt plural pronoun might fit the combined linguistic and conceptual requirements, and may be used to pick up the number-neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory. In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. Following Diesing, I assume that VP-internal variables are subject to an operation of Existential Closure. In many cases, VP-external –ra-marked objects have a different interpretation to their VP-internal, non-ra-marked, counterparts, because of escaping Existential Closure. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. We assume that VP-internal subjects exist, under two independent but converging assumptions. The first is prosodic in nature: Subjects can be accented without being narrowly focused; theories of Persian prosody predict then that there is a maximal constituent that contains both the subject and the verb as its head. The second is semantic in nature: Bare nouns require an external existential closure operation to be interpreted existentially, and we have to assume existential closure over the VP for our analysis of the interpretation of objects. So, this existential closure would provide the necessary quantificational force for bare noun subjects as well. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The book of Chronicles is a form of consensus-building literature. The Chronicler’s portrayal of Benjamin in relation to Judah reflects an inclusive vision of “all Israel” that walks a fine line: simultaneously valuing Benjamin as an equal partner with Judah (as his “right hand”), yet still protecting the primacy of David as YHWH’s chosen ruler, the Levites as the priestly tribe, and Jerusalem as the proper cultic center. Chronicles’ portrait of Benjamin differs from that of the Deuteronomistic History, which portrays Benjamin’s relation to Judah as varied and complex. The Chronicler attempts to smooth over these difficulties by highlighting the historically close relationship between the two tribes. In this regard his goals and strategy differ from that of the Deuteronomist, who presents both the high and low points of Judah-Benjamin relations. The Chronicler’s reconstrual of the Judah-Benjamin relationship reflects the socio-political situation of late Persian Yehud, in which the relatively poor Jerusalem cult struggled to gain material support from landed nobility in the region. Material evidence indicates that the historically Benjaminite regions prospered during the Neo-Babylonian and early Persian periods. The Jerusalem cult competed with historically Benjaminite and Josephite cultic locations for the support of wealthier Benjaminite landowners. The Chronicler rewrote Israel’s narrative partly in order to garner Benjaminite support for the Jerusalem cult. This study attempts to synthesize both literary and historical observations: demonstrating a literary phenomenon—the divergent portraits of Benjamin in the Deuteronomistic History and Chronicles—and situating that phenomenon within the historical context of Persian Yehud. The study contributes to the understanding of Yehud during this period, elaborates an important motif in these two sections of the Hebrew Bible, and furthers the investigation of the so-called “Benjaminite substratum” in the Hebrew Bible. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die boek Kronieke is ‘n vorm van konsensus-vormende literatuur. Kronieke se voorstelling van Benjamin in verhouding tot Juda weerspieël ‘n inklusiewe visie van “die hele Israel” wat ‘n fyn lyn bewandel: Benjamin word tegelyk as ‘n gelyke vennoot van Juda (as sy “regterhand”) gewaardeer, terwyl die prioriteit van Dawid as JHWH se uitverkore heerser, van die Leviete as priesterlike stam, en van Jerusalem as eintlike kultiese sentrum beskerm word. Kronieke se beeld van Benjamin verskil van dié van die Deuteronomistiese Geskiedenis, wat Benjamin se verhouding tot Juda as geskakeerd en kompleks uitbeeld. Die Kronis probeer hierdie oneffenhede gelykstryk deur die histories eng verhouding tussen die twee stamme te beklemtoon. Hierin verskil sy doel en strategie van dié van die Deuteronomis, wat beide die hoogtepunte en laagtepunte van die Juda-Benjamin verhouding aanbied. Die Kronis se her-uitbeelding van die Juda-Benjamin verhouding weerspieël die sosiopolitieke situasie van die laat Persiese Jehud, waarin die relatiewe karige Jerusalem kultus gesukkel het om materiële steun te kry van die landbesitters in die streek. Materiële bewyse dui daarop dat die streke wat histories met Benjamin geassosieer is, ekonomies opgebloei het gedurende die Neo- Babiloniese en vroeë Persiese periodes. Die Jerusalem kultus het meegeding met die kultiese plekke wat histories met Benjamin en Josef geassosieer is om die steun van die ryker Benjaminitiese landbesitters te verkry. Die Kronis het Israel se verhaal herskryf, onder andere om Benjaminitiese steun vir die Jerusalem kultus te kry. Hierdie studie probeer om beide literêre en historiese waarnemings te integreer: die literêre fenomeen word verduidelik—naamlik die uiteenlopende uitbeeldings van Benjamin in die Deuteronomistiese Geskiedenis en Kronieke—terwyl die fenomeen in die historiese konteks van Persiese periode Jehud geplaas word. Die studie dra by tot ‘n beter verstaan van Jehud gedurende hierdie periode, brei uit oor ‘n belangrike motief in hierdie twee dele van die Hebreeuse Bybel, en dra by tot navorsing oor die sogenaamde “Benjamin substratum” in die Hebreeuse Bybel.

Imperial powers have employed a range of strategies to establish and then maintain control over foreign territories and communities. As deploying military forces from the home country is often costly – not to mention logistically stretching when long distances are involved – many imperial powers have used indigenous forces to extend control or protect influence in overseas territories. This study charts the extent to which Britain employed this method in its informal empire among the small states of Eastern Arabia: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the seven Trucial States (modern day UAE), and Oman before 1971. Resolved in the defence of its imperial lines of communication to India and the protection of mercantile shipping, Britain first organised and enforced a set of maritime truces with the local Arab coastal shaikhs of Eastern Arabia in order to maintain peace on the sea. Throughout the first part of the nineteenth century, the primary concern in the Gulf for the British, operating through the Government of India, was therefore the cessation of piracy and maritime warfare. Later, British interests were expanded to suppressing the activities of slave traders and arms traffickers. At the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain also sought to exclude foreign powers from gaining a foothold in the area. It was during this time that the British government assumed full responsibility for the external relations of these shaikhdoms and that Britain conferred the status of ‘protected state’ upon them. Up to this point, when Britain needed to protect these interests or use force to compel local rulers to comply with its wishes, naval power usually sufficed. By the midpoint of the twentieth century, Britain’s interests in the area had swelled and migrated inland – first because of the establishment of air stations servicing the imperial route to India, then as a result of oil exploration and production. At the same time, growing international opposition to colonialism and a steady reduction in Britain’s ability to project military power overseas made it more and more difficult for Britain to discharge it security duties in the Gulf. So how did Britain bridge this gap? Studies of British security policy towards the Gulf have focused almost exclusively on Britain’s formal military architecture. Using India Office records and British Government archival documents, this study provides a reinterpretation of the means by which Britain sought to maintain order, protect its interests in the region and discharge its defence obligations. The records, it will be shown, point to a broad British policy before 1971 of enhancing the coercive instruments available to the local rulers. Rather than having to revert to using its own military forces, Britain wanted the Gulf rulers to acquire a monopoly over the use of force within their territories and to be in a stronger position to defend their own domains against cross-border raiders and covetous neighbours. This policy was not always successful; Britain was progressively drawn into the internal security affairs of a number of ITS protégés, especially after the Second World War. The security forces that emerged – armed police forces, gendarmeries and militaries – varied considerably, as did Britain’s involvement in their establishment and running. Nevertheless, taken as whole, a trend emerges between 1921 and 1971 of Britain pushing the Gulf states to take over more and more of the security burden. Indeed, at a time when its traditional sources of global power were fading, indigenous security forces were an important tool in Britain’s pursuit of its interests before its military withdrawal from the Gulf in December 1971. This aspect of Britain’s approach to security in the Gulf has largely been overlooked.

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study postulates a unifying rhetorical function for the book of Lamentations during the Persian period. After the destruction of the temple in 587 BCE, the people of Judah were geographically scattered and religiously and culturally fragmented. Lamentations, with its ahistorical, timeless character, its acrostic form, its posture of protest, and its totalizing references to all the different classes and groups of Judahites, became a rallying point for Jews seeking restoration after the exile, as well as a perpetual reflection on YHWH’s role in human suffering for oppressed Jews in many places and at many times through history. The historical component of this study seeks to establish the fragmentation of Judah and the goals of the various Judahite groups during the Persian period. The literary component attempts to demonstrate Lamentations’ suitability as a portable, timeless expression of suffering before YHWH, and as a source of imagery and motivation for Jewish restoration hopes. This study contributes to the understanding of the formation of Jewish identity, which since the destruction of the first temple has been shaped by minority status in nearly every cultural context, and by the evolution of a portable, textual religion. This study concludes that the preservation of the book of Lamentations was both a reflection of and a contribution to these two aspects of Jewish identity. This study also contributes to the interpretation of Lamentations—and the genre of communal lament—as literature and liturgy. It also explores the possibility of literary connections between Lamentations, Isaiah 40-55, and the genre of penitential prayers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie postuleer ‘n verenigende retoriese funksie vir die boek Klaagliedere gedurende die Persiese periode. Na die vernietiging van die tempel in 587 vC was die inwoners van Juda geografies versprei en godsdienstig en kultureel gefragmenteer. Klaagliedere se ahistoriese en tydlose karakter, die akrostiese vorm, die geneentheid tot protes, en die totaliserende verwysings na al die verskillende klasse en groepe van Judeërs, het ‘n aanhakpunt geword vir Jode wat heropbou na die ballingskap nagestreef het, asook vir die voortgaande nadenke by onderdrukte Jode in baie plekke en tye deur die geskiedenis, oor Jahwe se rol in menslike lyding. Die historiese komponent van hierdie studie probeer die fragmentering van Juda gedurende die Persiese periode vasstel, asook die doelwitte van die verskillende groepe in Juda. Die literêre komponent poog om te illustreer dat Klaagliedere uitermate geskik was as oordraagbare, tydlose uitdrukking van lyding voor Jahwe, en dat dit ‘n bron van verbeelding en motivering vir die Joodse heropbou-hoop was. Die studie dra by tot die verstaan van die vorming van Joodse identiteit wat sedert die vernietiging van die eerste tempel sterk beïnvloed is deur hul minderheidstatus in byna elke kulturele konteks, maar ook deur die ontwikkeling van ‘n oordraagbare, tekstuele godsdiens. Hierdie studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die bewaring van die boek Klaagliedere beide ‘n nadenke oor en ‘n bydrae tot hierdie twee aspekte van Joodse identiteit was. Die studie maak ook ‘n bydrae tot die interpretasie van Klaagliedere—asook die genre van gemeenskaplike klag—as literatuur en liturgie. Dit ondersoek ook die moontlike literêre verhoudings tussen Klaagliedere, Jesaja 40-55 en die genre van boetepsalms.

Journalists use the term Arab Street to describe what they often imply is a volatile Arabic public opinion. This photo story travels through four Arab areas or Jordan, Qatar, Israel/Palestine and Egypt in order to show the diversity and complexity of each. The media’s tendency to lump all Arabs into one political block is detrimental to a true sense of cultural understanding that is required for peace. / text

This thesis discusses linguistic constraints on scrambling and flexibility in word order in spoken Persian (Farsi) and presents a computational model for efficient implementation of these constraints for a subset of Persian. Linguistic phenomena which we have studies include local scrambling, long distance scrambling, extrapolation of clauses, topicalisation, case tendancy and the discourse marker ra. The work extends previous work on Persian based on Government and Binding (GB) theory by considering the pragmatic aspects of Persian Grammar and long distance scrambling.

This thesis is about British disengagement from the southern coast of the Persian Gulf. Britain never had colonies in the region, but had held significant imperial sway over nine Protected States since the nineteenth century. The informal empire remained intact until the Labour government (1964-70) announced its intention to leave, in consequence of which Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates became independent in 1971. This thesis attempts three things. First, it draws on extensive archival research to provide the fullest possible account of British withdrawal: why it had to leave, how it did and what followed. The Gulf rulers wanted to maintain British protection for their own security, but Britain decided nonetheless on military retreat, because it needed to placate the domestic constituency in order to push forward the reversal of social reforms due to economic retrenchment. The Gulf rulers responded quickly, yet unsuccessfully, in deciding how many states would be formed as they achieve independence. It was only after the Gulf rulers and the British diplomats on the ground made late and mutually acceptable compromises about coming together that the nine Protected States became three new independent sovereign states. In the end, Britain was able to leave the Gulf peacefully, and the new states retained close relations with Britain. Second, the study of an informal empire illuminates the enduring collaborative relationship between Britain and the Gulf rulers, characterised by the nominal sovereignty given to the Protected States. This relationship not only helped Britain maintain its imperial sway at little cost, but also made possible a peaceful withdrawal and the orderly emergence of the new states. Third, this informal empire characterised by collaboration and nominal sovereignty laid the structural foundations for the later international society in the region – a point more generally telling for the study of international relations.

This thesis is a study of the pre-Islamic passages of Abū Ḥanīfa Aḥmad ibn Dāwūd ibn Wanand Dīnawarī's Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl. This is to say that it stops at the beginning of the Arab conquest of Iran. It is intended for scholars of Late Antiquity. Special emphasis is placed on Dīnawarī's exposition of the rule of the Sasanian dynasty and questions relating to the mysterious Ḫudāynāma tradition which are intimately connected with it. Beginning with a discussion of Dīnawarī and his work, the thesis moves into a discussion of indigenous Iranian historiography. Speculation on the sources of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl follows, and the historiographical investigation of the most substantial portion of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl's notices on the Sasanian dynasty comes next. The conclusion summarises the findings of the thesis. The final section (an appendix) is a translation of the relevant part of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl running from the beginning of that text to the reign of Šīrūya. This thesis was written with one main question in mind: what does Dīnawarī's Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl have to say about pre-Islamic Iranian history? A host of other questions arose immediately: who was Dīnawarī; when did he live; what did he do; how was his work perceived by others; where did Dīnawarī get his information and how did he present it; is Dīnawarī's information reliable? These questions are addressed one by one in my thesis.

Dans cette recherche consacrée à l'emploi des connecteurs à l'écrit par des apprenants persanophones de français langue étrangère, nous avons étudié leur contribution à l'organisation des textes, ainsi que le rôle de ces connecteurs dans la construction de la cohésion textuelle et dans l'évolution de l'information. Après avoir observé les différences structurelles entre la langue française et la langue persane, surtout en ce qui concerne les connecteurs, nous avons formé l'hypothèse que la langue maternelle de nos apprenants pourrait contribuer à l'emploi erroné des connecteurs. Dans cette optique, nous nous sommes inspirés des théories relatives à l'analyse d'erreurs et à l'analyse contrastive. Celles-ci nous ont permis dans un premier temps de formuler une typologie des erreurs relevées, et dans un second temps de proposer une explication des erreurs constatées. L'analyse de l'emploi de différents types de connecteurs dans les productions écrites d'un groupe d'étudiants iraniens a révélé des points intéressants à la fois sur les compétences des apprenants mais également à propos de leurs besoins langagiers. Cette recherche a confirmé notre hypothèse initiale tout en la nuançant, car elle démontre que le recours à la langue maternelle ne conduit pas inexorablement à un emploi erroné des connecteurs en français L2. / In this research, by focusing on the usage of the connectors in the written texts of the Iranian students in a French language course, we investigated their contribution of the connectors to the text organization in addition to the role of these connectors in the construction of textual cohesion and in the information evolution. After observing the structural differences between the French language and the Persian language, especially regarding the connectors, we formed a hypothesis that the mother tongue of our students may cause the wrong usage of the connectors. To this end, we were inspired by the theories relative to the error analysis and contrastive analysis which allowed us initially to further clarify a classification of the errors and to propose an explanation of the errors found. The analysis of the usage of different types of connectors in the written productions of the group revealed some interesting points on both the students' competence level and their language needs. This research confirmed our initial hypothesis while showing that the recourse to the mother language was not necessarily a cause for wrong usage of connectors in French L2.