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Purpose: Children of divorced parents seem to have more divorces when they themselves marry. I f an "intergenerational transmission" effect exists, differences in attitude should exist even before marriage. What differences in attitude exist, if any, between the offspring of divorced parents and of intact-happy parents? Procedure: The Anacleto Marital Attitude Inve ntory (AMAI) was developed with 92 Likert- scaled items . Internal consist e ncy (.88), Reliability (.81), and Concurrent Validity (.65) for the total test as well as for 8 subscales we r e judged satisfac t o ry. Higher scores show more healthy attitudes. The AMAI was administered to 353 single adults drawn from a community college, a unive rsity, and trade schools in the Central Valley of California. They were adult single offspring of (1) divorced, (2) "intact-happy", (3) "intact-unhappy" parents, classified from questionnaire answers. It was hypothesized that Group 2 would have healthier attitudes than Group 1, Group 2 healthier attitudes than Group 3 and Group 1 healthie r attitudes than Group 3. Findings: Contrary to predictions, Group 1 had s ignificantly healthie r attitudes than Group 2 on the total AMAI and the Sex attitudes subscale. The se diffe r e nces were not str o ng, though s ignificant at the .001 level because of the large N's. Still this contrast to the hypotheses and previous literature invites further study. Explanations for these findings include: parents having custody teaching appropriate and healthy attitudes toward marriage; interest and self-sought education about marr iage by the children, to avoid the dissolutions suffered by their parents; more rational, cognitive understanding of marriage shown on the AMAI which may or may not translate into improved relationships. Hope for a better r elationship may prompt this population to seek divorce more readily. Stronger diffe r e nces, also true at the .001 l evel, were found by sex for the AMAI as a whole, on 6 of the 8 scale comparisons. Females were found to have healthier attitudes than males . Sex differences such as these may s uggest socialization variations . Marital relationships potentially could suffe r from such differences. No int eraction effects for Group status by sex were found.

This dissertation analyzes the linguistic changes around issues of childcare—focused on a five word set: “father,” “mother,” “parent,” “family,” and “home”—which have taken place in American English over roughly the past twenty-five years, the final quarter of the 20th Century. Of particular interest is the impact of four factors: The egalitarian narrative that we can trace back to the Natural Rights philosophers whose work informs and undergirds the founding documents of the United States; economic factors, chiefly the rise of the two-earner household; self-interest, both as a motivation for change and as a motivation for stasis, and; tradition. Using a poststructuralist approach adapted from the work of linguist Norman Fairclough, the five words cited above, and their related forms, are scrutinized through a variety of popular texts, using an examination of the changes in their meanings to explore the conflicting constituencies and conflicting imperatives—what we need as parents vs. what we need as workers—for example-that have sometimes led us and sometimes followed us through nearly three decades of domestic reordering and linguistic rewriting.

Women who are battered by their intimate partners are simultaneously objects of domination and subjects with the ability to act. Rather than conceive subordination and agency as polar opposites, we must understand them as part of a dialectic that is full of contradictions and tensions. The actions of women who are battered reflect both the ways that they are subordinated and the ways that they find to resist that subordination. Thus, they may consent or acquiesce to the control and abuse their partners exert over them in some ways and resist it in others. I argue that women who are battered respond to abuse and control in three ways: by consenting, by acquiescing, and by resisting, and that they often respond with elements of all three simultaneously. I define consent as accepting control or abuse by one's intimate partner, acquiescence as a decision to yield to the batterer despite recognizing his behavior as controlling or abusive, and resistance as active opposition to domination. In this dissertation, based on in-depth interviews with 25 women who were battered by male intimate partners, I analyze the ways access to economic resources, kin and friendship networks, the meaning and practice of mothering, laws, the desire for a relationship, and desire for respect and safety together shape the ways that women respond to abusive partners.

This dissertation intersects the fields of women and entrepreneurship and gendered organizational studies through an analytical framework that understands entrepreneurship as a socially constructed process embedded within everyday practices, which shape and are shaped in a field of gender relations. By not taking for granted that work and family are two separate spheres, the study refocuses arguments in the literature that consider entrepreneurship an option for women seeking to balance the demands of work and family. Theoretically supported by socialist feminist theorizing, which addresses the historical development of the public/private divide, I consider how individuals engage in routine activities of everyday life such that they can invoke the existence of work and family as separate domains. Methodologically based on ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism, I further ask: How do women business owners and the people they interact with create and sustain particular definitions of situations as business/not business and family/not family? How is the 'social fact' of work and family as separate domains produced and sustained? Using these analytical insights as a starting point, I became involved in the everyday life practices of ten women entrepreneurs as they went about doing 'work-family' throughout complex relationships and engagements. Drawing from an ethnographic approach to fieldwork, I witnessed their activities and conversations in the context in which they were happening, and documented the tensions of negotiating and maintaining a distinct divide between work and family, which often devaluated the latter in support of the former. Altogether, the dissertation contributes to re-articulating conventional economic assumptions in organizational theorizing and research about work-family, which in taking for granted that these are separate social domains foster their reproduction as the normal state of affairs. These assumptions end up bestowing primacy to 'the work sphere' even in the most private moments of everyday life. In particular, the dissertation advances alternative understandings about 'work-family balance' in the context of entrepreneurship, and opens a space for reconsidering these notions as part of the complex field of socio-cultural power relations where gender and class intersect.

Drawing upon gender- and life-course perspectives, this study addresses a number of conceptual gaps in our understanding of linkages between gender-role ideology, depression, and marital quality across the transition to parenthood. It employs a unique sample of 120 working-class, full-time dual-earner heterosexual couples to (a) explore linkages between marital partners' ideology and their depression, love, and conflict while accounting for the inherent dependence in partners' data; (b) examine effects of spousal concordance/discordance in ideology; and (c) compare the performance of a global gender ideology measure (GRI) versus a measure specific to economic provision roles within a family (PR). Couples were interviewed antenatally (third trimester of pregnancy) and postpartum (six months and one year after their baby's birth). In general, new mothers' greater egalitarianism was found to be associated with women's lower depression and lower marital conflict, whereas new fathers' greater egalitarianism was associated with more marital love. The influence of egalitarianism on men's reported conflict level depended upon the proportion of family income he made. When differences between relationship partners' global gender ideology or provider role views were used to predict outcomes, a different pattern of findings emerged. Women who held more egalitarian provider role views than their male partner reported more love and less relationship conflict than women who held more traditional provider role views than their partner. Men who were more egalitarian than their partner or who held more egalitarian provider role views than her reported lower depression than men who were more traditional than their partner. Findings argue for the importance of considering gender ideology on the dyadic level in addition to the individual level. The two different gender ideology measures (GRI and PR) were generally found to have similar effect sizes, with respective strengths in different contexts. The discussion highlights the need for future research to consider domestic work roles in concert with paid labor roles when conducting family research, as these two concepts are inextricably linked.

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