<p>This thesis considers different groupings that have come together in their participation in the policy processes relating to tenure reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It is methodologically and theoretically grounded in Bourdieu&rsquo / s notion of cultural &lsquo / fields&rsquo / , spaces of ongoing contestation and struggle, but in which actors develop a shared &lsquo / habitus&rsquo / , an embodied history. In these land reform policies and law-making activities, individuals and groups from different fields &ndash / the bureaucratic, activist and legal &ndash / have interacted in their contestations relating to the legitimation of their forms of knowledge. The resulting compromises are illuminated by a case study of a village in the former Gazankulu &lsquo / homeland&rsquo / &ndash / a fourth &lsquo / cultural field&rsquo / . Rather than seeing these fields as bounded, the thesis recognises the influence of wider political discourses and materialities, or the wider &lsquo / field of power&rsquo / . In each of the four very different fields, as a result of a shared history, actors within them have developed practices based upon particular shared discourses, institutions and values.</p>

<p>This thesis considers different groupings that have come together in their participation in the policy processes relating to tenure reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It is methodologically and theoretically grounded in Bourdieu&rsquo / s notion of cultural &lsquo / fields&rsquo / , spaces of ongoing contestation and struggle, but in which actors develop a shared &lsquo / habitus&rsquo / , an embodied history. In these land reform policies and law-making activities, individuals and groups from different fields &ndash / the bureaucratic, activist and legal &ndash / have interacted in their contestations relating to the legitimation of their forms of knowledge. The resulting compromises are illuminated by a case study of a village in the former Gazankulu &lsquo / homeland&rsquo / &ndash / a fourth &lsquo / cultural field&rsquo / . Rather than seeing these fields as bounded, the thesis recognises the influence of wider political discourses and materialities, or the wider &lsquo / field of power&rsquo / . In each of the four very different fields, as a result of a shared history, actors within them have developed practices based upon particular shared discourses, institutions and values.</p>

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Summary: This thesis considers different groupings that have come together in their participation in the policy processes relating to tenure reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It is methodologically and theoretically grounded in Bourdieu's notion of cultural 'fields' spaces of ongoing contestation and struggle, but in which actors develop a shared 'habitus', an embodied history. In these land reform policies and law-making activities, individuals and groups from different fields- the bureaucratic, activist and legal - have interacted in their contestations relating to the legitimation of their forms of knowledge. The resulting compromises are illuminated by a case study of a village in the former Gazankulu 'homeland' - a fourth 'cultural field'. Rather than seeing these fields as bounded, the thesis recognises the influence of wider political discourses and materialities, or the wider 'field of power'. In each of the four very different fields, as a result of a shared history, actors within them have developed practices based upon particular shared discourses, institutions and values. / South Africa

学位プログラム名: 京都大学大学院思修館 / 京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(総合学術) / 甲第23344号 / 総総博第17号 / 新制||総総||3(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院総合生存学館総合生存学専攻 / (主査)教授 池田 裕一, 特定教授 武田 英俊, 教授 諸富 徹 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy / Kyoto University / DFAM

The development of interactive communication technologies, such as email and the Internet, has stimulated much discussion about their potential to assist in the renewal of democracy. Globalisation, intimately connected with technological advance, has likewise led to considerations of 'governance' that transcend the nation state. This thesis poses the general question: Can the efficiencies and economies which drive commercial applications of interactive technology be applied to democratic policy processes? What conditions will facilitate this? The perspective taken here views policy as a communication process between networks of actors who seek to use resources and decisions to promote their value systems (Considine 1994). Democracy is also seen as a communication process, with a set of criteria which ensure equal access to information and agenda setting among participants (Dahl 1989). These definitions and criteria have been chosen for their generality. They apply at all levels of analysis, and thus may be used for comparison across scales. These are aligned with concepts from complexity theory as applied to human nonlinear systems and organisational dynamics, drawing mostly on Kiel(1994) and Stacey (1996). The inherent unpredictability of these systems and their capacity for complex learning and adaptive self-organisation offers an alternative paradigm to linear, hierarchical management models. A combination of literature analysis and case study evidence leads to three extensions of complexity theory as applied to human systems: Firstly, interactive technology is proposed as a technique for the potential re-pluralisation of democratic processes in complex human systems. The possibility of adding many new non-elite voices, and of making these available to all others, relates to both chaotic forms of self-organisation and the benefits of electronic democracy. Secondly, evidence is presented for the existence of fractal, or self-similar patterns in the ways information technology is applied at different levels of governance. It is shown that instrumental approaches which emphasise efficiency dominate technology use at the global, national and organisational levels, and these are interdependent. Alternative patterns which encourage participation also exist at every level. Thirdly, it is argued that the values of the dominant actors are the main determinants of whether interactive technologies will be structured to favour democratic forms of communication at every level. Three theory chapters in Part I develop these arguments by extensive reviews of relevant literatures. On the global level, convergent media, telecommunications and technology conglomerates underpin a global 'nervous system' which discourages government intervention, promotes a global monoculture, inhibits pluralistic debate by minimising access to alternative forms of information, and emphasises individualism and consumption. Within nations, widespread uniformity of public sector reform is sympathetic and responsive to these globalising pressures. Deregulation, privatisation, retreat from public broadcasting, down-sizing and outsourcing have become standard approaches, and are reflected in Australian information technology policy and programs. Several exceptions demonstrate more participatory approaches. At the organisational level, instrumental approaches to management and computerisation also prevail. In each case, a shift towards globalising values corresponds to applications of information technology which dampen the complex interactivity required for democratic policy processes. Part II supplements this analysis with case study evidence. The organisational data were collected primarily during a two year qualitative study of interactive technology use in the Australian Department of Finance and Administration. The researcher found technology use was inseparable from other change processes, and these were found to have strong elements inhibiting participation in internal policy. An instrumental approach to interactive technology use reinforced hierarchical decision processes. Three minor case studies looked at an internal mailing list in a federal agency, a mostly national list on Internet and telecommunications policy, and an experiment in electronic democracy at the local level. These offered additional insights into the ways interactive technologies can contribute to complex but adaptive policy processes, if normative democratic values guide their design. The researcher proposes a set of communication protocols for the use of interactive technologies in democratic policy processes. These would enable the forms of communication necessary to reinvigorate democracy in an information age. It is also argued that these protocols, if applied at the organisational level, and particularly within the public sector, could become part of a reaffirmation of industrial democracy. This is necessary to ensure the integrity and accountability of the public sector, given the progressive intermingling of these institutions with private enterprise. Additional suggestions are made for research into government uses of information technology as an important focus for policy analysts.

Public policies are, at once, the means for articulation of political philosophies and processes, the conduits for conversion of political and bureaucratic decisions into actions and the means by which the electorate can assess government performance. Public policy processes offer a means of achieving social and economic change and they are a primary justification for the existence of governmental systems. On these counts, identification of the elements of policy processes and the ways they interact with each other is essential to an understanding of the relationships between public policy decisions, systems of democratic government and their connections with wider society. This thesis goes behind the facade of public policy outcomes and analyses the processes involved in arriving at policy decisions. Linkages are traced between political theories, the processes of public policy decisions and final policy outcomes. This involves, first, an examination and critique of liberal-democratic theories. Second, there is detailed examination of pluralist democratic practice, which is the prevailing political paradigm of modern western liberal-democratic societies. The analysis finds substantial evidence of gross distortions in the process relative to normative theories. Plain causes are the institutionalisation of special interests to the exclusion of wider public interests and inadequate accountability of governments and bureaucracies for their actions. Policy processes in pluralist systems are examined and it is concluded that the social environment, institutional influences and factors which affect the behaviour of institutions are key elements explaining public policy decisions. The capacity for pluralism to significantly influence policy outcomes depends largely on the degree and nature of access to the public policy process at various points. In examining the role of government institutions in public policy processes, it is argued that a clear distinction between the elected legislature and the administrative bureaucracy is artificial and misleading. Further, there is evidence that public service bureaucrats can become captives of their particular client groups and, thus, less accessible to the full range of relevant interests. These problems are exacerbated by the two-party Westminster model of representative democracy which tends to concentrate power in cabinet government, resulting in a decline in the importance of parliament as a deliberative and scrutinising bodies. This dissertation develops the view that there are significant causal links between institutional philosophies and values and the dominant disciplines within institutions. It is also argued that growing professionalism in bureaucracies and a tendency for functional divisions of public policy to be in broad symmetry with the divisions of the professions, tends to intensify the influence of particular professional disciplines on related areas of public policy. The critique of liberal-democratic theories and the related discussion of factors affecting policy processes in a pluralist system are used to identify the essential elements of public policy processes. It is proposed that all policy processes contain the four elements of pluralism, access, accountability and planning which are interactively related. Differences in emphasis given to these elements in the policy process explains the nature of individual policy decisions. Thus, the normative policy process datum model provides both a static and dynamic framework for analysing policy decisions. In order to examine the theoretical arguments in an empirical context, the policy processes of the Australian Federal Government, in the area of industry assistance, are analysed. This policy arena contains all the 'raw material' of pluralist processes and is, therefore, a fertile area for analysis. Furthermore, operating within this policy arena is the Industries Assistance Commission [IAC], a bureaucratic institution which is quite unlike traditional administrative structures. The IAC has, prima-facie, all of the features of the policy process datum model; it operates in an open mode, it encourages a range of pluralistic inputs, it has a highly professional planning function and, because its policy advice is published, it encourages scrutiny and accountability of itself, other actors in the bureaucracy and the elected government. The IAC operates in a rational-comprehensive mode. The analysis concludes that the IAC was established in part to be a countervailing force to restore some balance in the industry policy arena. In this it has been partly successful - the distributive policy decisions of governments have come under much greater scrutiny than in the past and other areas of the bureaucracy have been forced to operate more frequently in a rational-comprehensive mode, rather than as advocates of sectional interests. The IAC has itself limited its range of objectives, however, and has tended to become a computational organisation, isolating its core economic [planning] technology from the interactive processes of the policy process model, i.e. pluralism, access and accountability. By protecting its essential philosophy in this way, the IAC runs the risk of becoming less influential in the overall policy process. Using the policy process model as a datum, and the empirical experience of the IAC and the policy arena in which it operates, several options for administrative reform are examined. A summary agenda for administrative change is proposed which revolves around ways of achieving balanced pluralistic inputs, a greater degree of access, better bureaucratic and government accountability and ways of exploiting but controlling technocratic planning expertise. Emphasis is placed on the need to achieve enriched interactive flows between each of these key elements. If these conditions can be met, it is proposed that a revised and improved administrative bureaucracy will emerge.

National drug policy development is essential for effective drug policies, yet the process through which they emerge, the role of evidence and the theoretical basis for drug policy development are poorly understood. The present research adopted a cross-national analytical-descriptive approach to examine drug policy development between 1994 and 2006 in two nations: Portugal and Australia. Through contrasting atypical reforms - namely decriminalisation in Portugal and the Illicit Drug Diversion Initiative (IDDI) in Australia – with the preceding periods of typical reform, it provides a detailed examination of how atypical reforms are proposed, negotiated and adopted. Moreover, it critically analyses the application of three public policy theories – Multiple Streams, Advocacy Coalition and Punctuated Equilibrium – to identify common drivers and processes underpinning the developments. / Through a primarily qualitative approach involving interviews with 42 expert policy makers, supplemented with secondary sources and publicly available evaluations, this research demonstrates that the major drivers of atypical reform are policy advocates and their ability to convert opportunities into pragmatic responses. In Portugal policy entrepreneurs utilised the emergence of a problem opportunity, typified by a public health crisis in Casal Ventoso, to form an alliance between experts and politicians and adopt a paradigmatic change: decriminalisation. Policy entrepreneurs in Australia used the emergence of a highly politicised opportunity to convert what was initially a doctrinal solution of “zero tolerance” into a more humane response: drug diversion. / The research reveals that the process of policy formulation has critical impacts upon the mechanism, implementation and potential outcomes of reform, most notably whether there is evidence-based policy or policy-based evidence. It concludes by identifying practical and theoretical implications for more effective drug policy development, including the need for greater application of the theory of Punctuated Equilibrium. The current research asserts that policy makers must have realistic expectations over the role of evidence in policy making, but that the likelihood of pragmatic reform may be enhanced through expanding attention from “what works” to include alternative tools of persuasion. It further recommends that greater attention to the latter may increase the likelihood of effective reform. Due to the formation of an alliance between politicians and experts the Portuguese policy making process facilitated a more pragmatic reform. However, a paradigmatic change – and hence the potential for effective drug policy – would not have been possible without advocacy for a new vision of the drug user as a citizen.

<p>By presenting case studies from the village of Mahenye in Zimbabwe and the five villages of the Okavango Community Trust in Botswana, the study looks beyond the objectives, discourse and contests of policy and undertakes an investigation of what actions rural people are undertaking inside the institutions established by policy makers, and of governance outcomes at the local level. These case studies reveal that unfettered devolution can lead to elite capture and the perpetuation of poverty / that rural communities themselves have agency and the ability to exercise it / and that there is limited and shrinking political space in both countries which is reducing opportunities for rural communities to engage with political processes. The Botswana case studies demonstrates that an imported and imposed devolutionary initiative which lacks links to higher levels of governance can reduce political space at local levels. The Zimbabwe case study demonstrates that political space may be more effectively created through decentralisation. The lesson drawn from these case studies is that institutional arrangements and roles should be determined by context specific issues and circumstances and move beyond the structural determinism that has characterized much of the CBNRM debate to date. The study concludes with policy recommendations. These include the need for recognition of the synergy between CBNRM and democratisation as mutually reinforcing processes and the need to be context-specific...</p>

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<p>By presenting case studies from the village of Mahenye in Zimbabwe and the five villages of the Okavango Community Trust in Botswana, the study looks beyond the objectives, discourse and contests of policy and undertakes an investigation of what actions rural people are undertaking inside the institutions established by policy makers, and of governance outcomes at the local level. These case studies reveal that unfettered devolution can lead to elite capture and the perpetuation of poverty / that rural communities themselves have agency and the ability to exercise it / and that there is limited and shrinking political space in both countries which is reducing opportunities for rural communities to engage with political processes. The Botswana case studies demonstrates that an imported and imposed devolutionary initiative which lacks links to higher levels of governance can reduce political space at local levels. The Zimbabwe case study demonstrates that political space may be more effectively created through decentralisation. The lesson drawn from these case studies is that institutional arrangements and roles should be determined by context specific issues and circumstances and move beyond the structural determinism that has characterized much of the CBNRM debate to date. The study concludes with policy recommendations. These include the need for recognition of the synergy between CBNRM and democratisation as mutually reinforcing processes and the need to be context-specific...</p>