Magister Economicae - MEcon / The study concentrates on a particular type of state intervention in social policy. It considers whether policy reforms and subsequent provision of information with regards to the issue of parental leave and part-time work arrangements, makes an impact on gender equity in the labour market (Del Boca, 2002; Naldini & Saraceno, 2008). Giddens' theory of structuration is the conceptual framework from which this study approaches these questions. It is thus held that agents (in this instance, women) are constrained by structures (labour policy framework and institutionalised labour practices) to achieve specific social goals. And further: that the apparent lack of power on the part of agents requires intervention on the part of the state apparatus to correct the failure (or inability) of the labour market to deliver the social justice as aspired to in the cited European Employment Strategy, as well as fostering economic efficiency (Barr, 1992). I further contend that not only are agents constrained by structural properties, but that institutional reform (in the form of labour policy reform) is constrained by the human action1 of the management of firms and enterprises as economic agents within the policy framework. / South Africa

The unprecedented scale of health sector reform in the course of radical political transformation in post-apartheid South Africa is well-documented. This thesis examines child health policy reform as a crucial part of this process. The goals of broader health sector reform were to improve the overall health status of citizens, in particular those most vulnerable, and eliminate inequities in health service provision and health status outcomes. Although children were accorded explicit prioritisation during this time, child health indicators remain poor and some have worsened. Amidst the documented explanations for the poor progress with child health indicators, the specific role and contribution of child health policies had not been interrogated. The thesis examines the development, design and implementation of national child health policies, with particular focus on equity. The National School Health Policy serves as a case-study for the analysis. Three complementary policy analysis frameworks guide the enquiry. Findings are based on a documentary analysis of key policies and 81 qualitative interviews with national policy makers and managers, provincial and district managers, and service providers in three socioeconomically different provinces of South Africa. The common assertion by South African health system analysts, that "policies are good, but implementation is poor", is refuted by this research. The findings show that child health policies have many deficiencies in their design and development. These "poor policies" contribute to inadequate child health service provision, which in turn have a bearing on poor child health outcomes. In particular the failure in clearly defining and conceptualising equity in policy development and design contributed to the absence of equity considerations in the implementation phase. The explanations for these policy failures include: lack of strategic direction for child health services; poor policy making capacity; a lack of clear policy translation; and the diverse politics, power and passion of policy actors. Broader health system factors, such as an immature and poorly functioning district health system, compound these policy failures. The thesis deepens the understanding of child health policy reform through a retrospective policy analysis and so contributes to the body of knowledge on policy reform in South Africa and in low- and middle-income countries more generally.

A presente dissertação analisa as mudanças implementadas na agenda da segurança pública na pós-transição democrática e os motivos pelos quais o modelo de segurança pública no Brasil é tão resistente a reformas. O cenário democrático testemunhou a entrada de novos atores na comunidade da política, e, a partir de então, novas e velhas visões acerca do tema passaram a coexistir. Apesar da crise da segurança pública, explicitada nas décadas de 1980-1990, nenhuma das propostas de reforma estrutural do modelo da política obteve êxito até o momento, o que pode ser explicado pela ausência de uma ampla coalizão em torno de uma agenda mínima de reformas e pelo padrão de dependência da trajetória da política. As mudanças possíveis nesse contexto, embora sejam insuficientes para conformar um novo modelo de política, têm provocado deslocamentos em algumas das características históricas do sistema de segurança pública, promovendo pequenas alterações na sua dinâmica federativa. / This dissertation analyzes the changes to the agenda of public security in Brazil after its democratic transition. It also addresses the reasons why the Brazilian policy model of public security might be so resistant to reforms. The new democratic scenario witnessed new actors entering the policy community and brought together old and new views on the subject. In spite of the crisis in the public security, which was brought to light in the 1980´s and 1990´s, none of the proposals for structural reform of the policy model have hitherto been successful. Such a failure might be explained by the absence of a broad coalition around a minimum agenda of reforms and also by the path dependence of the public security policy. The possible changes in this context, despite being insufficient to forge a new policy model, have led to shifts in some of the historical features of the system of public security, promoting small changes in its federative dynamics.

This study examined the process of gender policy reform. It sought to explain how and when gender policy reform has taken place in Venezuela across time. The study entailed observations of gender policy reform during specific periods of Punto Fijo democracy (1958-1998) characterized by democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of hybrid democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered were the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights, and political participation. The analysis showed that the likelihood of gender policy reform depends on the combination of certain institutional configurations that provide women access to the decision-making process of the state, but most importantly to women’s groups’ capacity to organize a broad coalition of women from civil society and from within the state apparatus behind to push for a reform by using frames based on international agreed norms that legitimized their struggle. In addition, the analysis reveals the negative influence of religious groups with decision-making power on the process of gender policy reform.

Governments are responsible for administrative arrangements dealing with disasters. Effective policies play a vital role in mitigating the impact of disasters and reducing likely losses of life and property. Yet, it had been noted that such losses were increasing, raising questions about efficacy of government policies and the factors that made them effective. This study adopted a comparative method, responding to a long-standing demand of disaster research, for examining the record in India. There were noticeable differences among its states, with some having undertaken comprehensive reform in an all-hazards approach, while others continued with old policies. This research studied four states with the objective of identifying variables that were critical in undertaking policy reform for building capacities. The roles of economic resources, democratically decentralized institutions, political party systems and focusing events were examined. Findings revealed that these factors had varying impact on state capabilities. Economic resources were an inevitable part of disaster management, but did not necessarily translate into policy reform. Panchayati Raj Institutions, which were democratically decentralized bodies, displayed tremendous potential. However, their role was limited mostly to the response phase, with states severely circumscribing their involvement. The nature of political party systems was able to explain policy reform to an extent. Cohesive systems in Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Orissa correlated with administrative capacities, unlike in fragmented Bihar. However, anti-incumbency sentiments and strong community mobilization impacted contestation more than electoral salience of public goods. The most nuanced and significant explanation was provided by experience of focusing events. States that suffered major disasters revealed unmistakable evidence of double-loop learning, leading to comprehensive policy reform and capacity building. This research provides empirical support to theory about the role of focusing events and organizational learning in policy reform. Methodologically, it underscores the importance of the comparative approach, and its successful application in a federal framework. The significance of this research is most for policy makers and practitioners, as it serves to alert them on the need for reform without waiting for the next big disaster to catch them unprepared.

This research aims to analyze the international political economy of rising China since the mid 1990s. The main question it tries to answer / why in the early 21st century, Chinese officials defined China&amp / #8217 / s position within the international system as Peaceful Rise in theory, in rhetoric and in policy. The research studies the question based on analysis of international political economy of China&amp / #8217 / s reform process within a historical perspective. Given China&amp / #8217 / s history-long &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / catching up with the West&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / as the main drive behind the determination and the guidance of China&amp / #8217 / s strategy at home and abroad throughout the political history of modern China, the thesis argues that &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / China&amp / #8217 / s Rise&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / has became the new strategy of China&amp / #8217 / s catching up objective towards the 21st century. Chinese leadership formulated the concept of Peaceful Rise as the discourse of the new policy to both domestic and external audiences. Building up Harmonious Society and being a Soft Power in international order have been designed as the policy components of new strategy. Chinese leadership also used the concept of Peaceful Rise as the theory of the legitimization of the new strategy of &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / China&amp / #8217 / s Rise&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / and its policy components.

This study addresses a conceptual gap in collaborative environmental governance pertaining to the role of Indigenous peoples. Conventional collaborative approaches to environmental governance include input and resource-pooling by two or more stakeholders. This approach becomes conceptually problematic when the stakeholder view is extended to Indigenous peoples. While experiences vary widely around the world, it is common for Indigenous peoples to assert themselves as existing within self-determining nations within their traditional homelands – rather than as stakeholders or interest groups. This perspective is reflected in the Indigenous governance literature, which provides a window into how Indigenous peoples view themselves. The purpose of this doctoral research was to critically evaluate the extent to which principles and practices of collaborative environmental governance are compatible with the main tenets and advances in Indigenous governance related to self-determination. This was done through an extensive literature review and empirical study in the context of British Columbia, Canada. Through a multi-case study analysis of three regional scale cases, complemented by analysis of a single case at the provincial scale, this research analyzed assumptions and perspectives existing at the intersection of Indigenous governance and collaborative environmental governance. The regional, multi-case study concentrated on the practice of collaboration around governance for water, while the provincial case examined a water policy reform process. The key findings of this research were that non-Indigenous entities and personnel initiating or practicing collaborative environmental governance and engaged in water policy reform tended to hold a stakeholder-view of Indigenous peoples. In contrast, Indigenous peoples and leaders tended to view themselves as existing within self-determining Indigenous nations. These conflicting assumptions led to dissatisfaction for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples with regard to collaboration for water governance and water reform, in terms of both processes and outcomes. This research makes contributions to both scholarship and practice. Conceptually, the research identifies how the assumptions and approaches to collaboration within mainstream collaborative environmental governance scholarship should shift fundamentally in ways that incorporate concepts related to Indigenous governance. This conceptual shift could be applied to the breadth of empirical contexts that are discussed in existing collaborative environmental governance scholarship. The empirical findings of this research provide a robust rationale for the importance of a conceptual bridge between the collaborative environmental governance and Indigenous governance literatures. This bridge would involve creation of a body of collaborative scholarship that addresses self-determination and nationhood when theorizing on collaboration with Indigenous peoples. Additionally, it makes a practical contribution by highlighting ways in which those engaged in collaborative environmental governance and water policy reform can draw on some of the tenets of Indigenous governance scholarship. These recommendations include the following: (1) approach or involve Indigenous peoples as self-determining nations rather than one of many collaborative stakeholders or participants; (2) Identify and clarify any existing or intended (a) environmental governance processes and (b) assertions to self-determination by the Indigenous nation; (3) Create opportunities for relationship building between Indigenous peoples and policy or governance practitioners; (4) Choose venues and processes of decision making that reflect Indigenous rather than Eurocentric venues and processes; and (5) Provide resources to Indigenous nations to level the playing field in terms of capacity for collaboration or for policy reform decision making. Finally, this research suggests that positive outcomes are possible where water governance is carried out in ways that meaningfully recognize and address the perspectives of Indigenous peoples.

This study addresses a conceptual gap in collaborative environmental governance pertaining to the role of Indigenous peoples. Conventional collaborative approaches to environmental governance include input and resource-pooling by two or more stakeholders. This approach becomes conceptually problematic when the stakeholder view is extended to Indigenous peoples. While experiences vary widely around the world, it is common for Indigenous peoples to assert themselves as existing within self-determining nations within their traditional homelands – rather than as stakeholders or interest groups. This perspective is reflected in the Indigenous governance literature, which provides a window into how Indigenous peoples view themselves. The purpose of this doctoral research was to critically evaluate the extent to which principles and practices of collaborative environmental governance are compatible with the main tenets and advances in Indigenous governance related to self-determination. This was done through an extensive literature review and empirical study in the context of British Columbia, Canada. Through a multi-case study analysis of three regional scale cases, complemented by analysis of a single case at the provincial scale, this research analyzed assumptions and perspectives existing at the intersection of Indigenous governance and collaborative environmental governance. The regional, multi-case study concentrated on the practice of collaboration around governance for water, while the provincial case examined a water policy reform process. The key findings of this research were that non-Indigenous entities and personnel initiating or practicing collaborative environmental governance and engaged in water policy reform tended to hold a stakeholder-view of Indigenous peoples. In contrast, Indigenous peoples and leaders tended to view themselves as existing within self-determining Indigenous nations. These conflicting assumptions led to dissatisfaction for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples with regard to collaboration for water governance and water reform, in terms of both processes and outcomes. This research makes contributions to both scholarship and practice. Conceptually, the research identifies how the assumptions and approaches to collaboration within mainstream collaborative environmental governance scholarship should shift fundamentally in ways that incorporate concepts related to Indigenous governance. This conceptual shift could be applied to the breadth of empirical contexts that are discussed in existing collaborative environmental governance scholarship. The empirical findings of this research provide a robust rationale for the importance of a conceptual bridge between the collaborative environmental governance and Indigenous governance literatures. This bridge would involve creation of a body of collaborative scholarship that addresses self-determination and nationhood when theorizing on collaboration with Indigenous peoples. Additionally, it makes a practical contribution by highlighting ways in which those engaged in collaborative environmental governance and water policy reform can draw on some of the tenets of Indigenous governance scholarship. These recommendations include the following: (1) approach or involve Indigenous peoples as self-determining nations rather than one of many collaborative stakeholders or participants; (2) Identify and clarify any existing or intended (a) environmental governance processes and (b) assertions to self-determination by the Indigenous nation; (3) Create opportunities for relationship building between Indigenous peoples and policy or governance practitioners; (4) Choose venues and processes of decision making that reflect Indigenous rather than Eurocentric venues and processes; and (5) Provide resources to Indigenous nations to level the playing field in terms of capacity for collaboration or for policy reform decision making. Finally, this research suggests that positive outcomes are possible where water governance is carried out in ways that meaningfully recognize and address the perspectives of Indigenous peoples.

A presente dissertação analisa as mudanças implementadas na agenda da segurança pública na pós-transição democrática e os motivos pelos quais o modelo de segurança pública no Brasil é tão resistente a reformas. O cenário democrático testemunhou a entrada de novos atores na comunidade da política, e, a partir de então, novas e velhas visões acerca do tema passaram a coexistir. Apesar da crise da segurança pública, explicitada nas décadas de 1980-1990, nenhuma das propostas de reforma estrutural do modelo da política obteve êxito até o momento, o que pode ser explicado pela ausência de uma ampla coalizão em torno de uma agenda mínima de reformas e pelo padrão de dependência da trajetória da política. As mudanças possíveis nesse contexto, embora sejam insuficientes para conformar um novo modelo de política, têm provocado deslocamentos em algumas das características históricas do sistema de segurança pública, promovendo pequenas alterações na sua dinâmica federativa. / This dissertation analyzes the changes to the agenda of public security in Brazil after its democratic transition. It also addresses the reasons why the Brazilian policy model of public security might be so resistant to reforms. The new democratic scenario witnessed new actors entering the policy community and brought together old and new views on the subject. In spite of the crisis in the public security, which was brought to light in the 1980´s and 1990´s, none of the proposals for structural reform of the policy model have hitherto been successful. Such a failure might be explained by the absence of a broad coalition around a minimum agenda of reforms and also by the path dependence of the public security policy. The possible changes in this context, despite being insufficient to forge a new policy model, have led to shifts in some of the historical features of the system of public security, promoting small changes in its federative dynamics.

In 1991, one year after the Namibian independence, the Ministry of Education and Culture was organised in six departments and six regional directorates. The regional directorates were established as early as in 1991. The establishment of the regional directorates was the first step towards decentralisation of education management, which took a form of de-concentration. During the late 1990s, the regional directorates were subdivided into thirteen regional education directorates to be in compliance with the central government policy of decentralising functions from the head offices of various ministries to the regional administrations in the thirteen regions. During 2000, the Namibian Ministry of Education introduced cluster-based school management as a decentralisation reform, granting authority and responsibility for managing school supervision and in-service training for school managers and teachers to clusters, to be implemented in all the thirteen education regions. Cluster–based school management reform has been adopted as a strategy for improving school supervision and teaching in Namibia. However, there is little empirical evidence on the effects of school clustering on the quality of teaching in Namibia. This study examined the implementation of cluster-based school management reform in the Namibian primary schools. The specific focus of the study was to assess: (1) the implementation of cluster-based school management reform in the Namibian primary schools; and (2) the relationship between cluster-based school management reform and improving teaching at classroom level. The data for this study were collected through: (1) survey research in thirty-seven primary schools in five regions: Caprivi; Erongo; Hardap; Karas and Kunene, and (2), case studies, based on interviews; focused group discussions; informal conversations; observations; and document analyses in the three primary school clusters in two of the five education regions. The study’s main findings are that the implementation of cluster-based school management reform has been constrained by resource scarcity and reluctance to share resources; potential threat to the authority of school inspectors and school principals; and incongruence between the ideologies existed prior to the introduction of the reform and the democratic ideology. The other main finding from this study is that there is insufficient evidence to show that the teaching methods of teachers who have received support from the school management reform are notably different from those who have not. This study demonstrates a number of obvious missing links between cluster-based school management and improving teaching, because the reform lacks: (1) clarity, guidelines and resources to support and monitor teaching in schools and at classroom level; (2) clarity on the roles and responsibilities of key implementers in improving teachers’ teaching practices; (3) capability to transform school traditions and culture into a culture which transforms teaching in schools; and (4) clarity on how teacher involvement can be utilised to improve teaching in schools. This study concludes that there is no evidence from this study that cluster-based school management reform relates to improving teaching. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted