No description available.

No description available.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden verschiedene Fragestellungen zur Integration und Transformation auf den europäischen Agrar- und Ernährungsmärkten untersucht. Eine Weiterentwicklung der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik, die anstehende Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union (EU) sowie Auswirkungen von Ausländischen Direktinvestitionen (ADI) im Ernährungssektor mittel- und osteuropäischer Transformationsländer werden mit Hilfe von partiellen und allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodellen simuliert. Das Ziel der Arbeit ist die separate, quantitative Analyse ausgewählter Aspekte der Integration und Transformation sowie das Aufzeigen von Wechselwirkungen zwischen ihnen. Die Ergebnisse sollen dazu dienen, die politischen Rahmenbedingungen in der europäischen Agrar- und Ernährungswirtschaft zu verbessern. Als Hauptinstrumente einer neuen EU-Agrarpolitik werden einheitliche Boden- und Arbeitssubventionen verbunden mit einem weiteren Abbau des Außenschutzes untersucht. Diese würden zu wesentlich geringeren Verzerrungen auf den Produktmärkten und zu deutlichen Budgeteinsparungen gegenüber der derzeitigen Situation führen. Eine einheitliche Bodensubvention mit einer weitergehenden Liberalisierung wird auch als Politikoption für die EU-Osterweiterung analysiert. Der Handel mit Agrar- und Ernährungsgütern innerhalb einer erweiterten EU würde sich in einigen Szenarien verdoppeln. Durch Handelsgewinne und Transferzahlungen aus dem EU-Budget käme es in den Beitrittsländern zu einem Wohlfahrtsgewinn in Höhe von etwa zwei Prozent des Bruttosozialprodukts. Die Bedeutung von ADI im Transformationsprozeß sollte nicht überschätzt werden. Die Modellrechnungen ergeben, daß der Zustrom von ADI seit 1992 zu einem zusätzlichen jährlichen Wachstum des Bruttosozialprodukts von unter einem Prozent in den mitteleuropäischen Ländern und in den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion geführt hat. Durch zusätzlichen Technologietransfer profitiert die Agrarwirtschaft nicht immer von ADI in der Nahrungsmittelverarbeitung. Grund hierfür sind zum Teil Einsparungen bei der Verwendung landwirtschaftlicher Rohprodukte. Schließlich zeigt die Analyse von ADI in der polnischen Zuckerindustrie, daß handelspolitische Eingriffe, wie z.B. Produktionsquoten, die lokalen Auswirkungen von ADI stark beeinflussen können. ADI sind nur dann deutlich wohlfahrtssteigernd, wenn sie auf relativ unverzerrten Märkten getätigt werden. Die verbesserte Wettbewerbssituation in der Zuckerindustrie würde zu teilweise deutlichen Gewinnen für die Zuckerrübenproduzenten führen. / This dissertation consists of four essays covering various aspects of integration and transition on European agricultural and food markets. Further reform of the European Union's (EU) Common Agricultural Policy, a prospective Eastern enlargement, and the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) in food industries of the transition countries are analyzed using partial as well as general equilibrium modeling approaches. The overall objective of the study is to quantify these processes separately as well as to demonstrate various interactions between them. The results should be useful for improving the political and economic environment in the European agricultural and food sector. In the discussion about further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, uniform payments on agricultural land and labor have been proposed in connection with further reductions of border protection. The analysis shows that these policy options would be much less distortionary on product markets and they would lead to significant reductions in budget expenditures compared to the present situation. Furthermore, a uniform payment on land together with further liberalization is also analyzed as a policy option for the EU Eastern enlargement. Trade in agricultural and food products in an enlarged EU would double in some scenarios. Gains from trade and transfer payments from the EU budget would add up to a welfare gain of about two percent of total gross domestic product in the new member countries. The impact of FDI in the transition process should not be over-estimated. The model calculations show that total FDI inflows since 1992 induced additional economic growth of less than one percent per year in the Central European countries and the former Soviet Union. Additional transfers of new technologies into the food industry do not necessarily improve the situation in primary agriculture. The reason is partly input saving technical change which reduces the demand for agricultural raw products. Finally, the analysis of FDI in the Polish sugar industry reveals that trade policy interventions, like production quotas, have a strong influence on the local impact of FDI. Foreign investment is welfare improving to the local economy only if it occurs on more or less undistorted markets. Improved competition in the sugar industry would lead to considerable gains for local sugar beet producers.

中國自第十一屆三中全會朝改革開放發展，住房制度改革前以前蘇聯為目標，透過工作單位制實施福利分房制度，然而實物配給制發展產生諸多問題，如：收租失衡、分配不公、住房存量不足等制度運作結果，因此隨著經濟改革的同時，住房制度也朝向透過商品化與市場化解決住房問題。中國於1998年正式停止福利分房制度，朝市場化轉型過程中，亦同步發展住房保障制度，包括：建設廉租房及經濟適用房等保障性住房、建立多層次保障性住房體系、推廣公積金制度等措施，試圖在市場運作之外保障人民安居權利。在中國住房制度轉型過程中，重慶於2010年以公共租賃住房為核心，建立一套保障性住房體系，整合既有的商品房市場，試圖保障性住房與商品房市場雙軌並行的體制，並在制度運作上以國有資產投入建設、由土地儲備中心提撥建設用地，透過諸多政策手段快速發展住房雙軌制，重慶的住房制度設計亦被稱為住房的「重慶模式」，在政策設計上體現「具有中國特色的社會主義市場經濟」的目標。 重慶的住房模式在短短幾年間引起學界關注，主因在於近年中國城市面臨高房價的困難，雖自1998年即開始推動各種保障性住房，但在各城市的運作中面臨許多困難，對社會弱勢保障效果有限。重慶近年在住房制度設計上形成住房保障與商品住房雙重運作體系，透過各種推動公共租賃住房及其他保障性住房，為中國各城市乃至世界各國面臨居住問題者所關注。有鑑於目前尚未有完整探討重慶住房制度改革的文獻，對住房的重慶模式也未有完整的討論，因此本文以中國住房制度改革做為背景脈絡，探討重慶住房改革歷程，分析重慶保障性住房政策與商品房市場的政策設計，進一步聚焦住房的「重慶模式」運作內容，整理分析重慶住房制度超越其他城市建立雙軌制的因素，並探討重慶住房保障體系能在幾年內快速建設的關鍵，為後續研究中國住房改革及重慶住房雙軌制者提供研究發現。 / As China went through the progress of economic reform during late 1980’s, the housing policy also started to change. It was used to be welfare housing distribution system in the past years, however, many problems raised in practice, such as insufficient charge in rent, unfair distributions, or insufficient housing units. Therefore, the housing policy started to practice commercialization and marketization, in order to resolve the old problems. Chinese government officially stopped the welfare housing policy in 1998. During the transformation to commercialized housing market, the Chinese government also developed indemnificatory apartments with multilayer protections, including the construction of low-rent housing, affordable housing and public housing accumulation fund. The government attempted to provide dual housing system by investing constructions, providing land for housing and other policies. The most well known case is the “Chongqing model” The goal of their policy is to realize “the socialism market economy with Chinese characteristics”. The “Chongqing model” drew a lot of attention in academia in very few years. The main reason is the rising housing price in the cities in China. Although indemnificatory apartments project formed since 1998, the practical operation is problematic with limited protection for people with lower social status. By having public rental housing and other secured housing, the city government of Chongqing has developed a dual system with both secured housing and commercialized housing. Their achievement is known by other Chinese cities and the rest of the world. This thesis will address the background of the reform of Chinese housing policy, the progress of the reform of the housing policy in Chongqing , the analysis of the policy design and the operation of their policy. The reason why the “Chongqing model” is better than other cities in China will be discussed as well. We hope that we will provide the key of the fast and growing development of the Chongqing’s housing system, to people who are interested in reform of Chinese housing policy and the dual housing system in Chongqing.

Politikwissenschaftliche Studien der vergangenen Jahre stellen fest, dass das deutsche und österreichische Gesundheitswesen eher reformresistent sind. Anhand der Einführung der elektronischen Kartensysteme im deutschen und österreichischen Gesundheitswesen zeigt diese Dissertation, dass gesundheitspolitische Reformschritte möglich sind. Durch ein vergleichendes Forschungsdesign werden anhand der zwei relativ ähnlich strukturierten Staaten Deutschland und Österreich mit dennoch relevanten Unterschieden im Politikfeld Gesundheit Theorien aus der vergleichenden Policy-Forschung und der Staatstätigkeitsforschung auf ihre Erklärungskraft hin untersucht. Durch eine qualitative Inhaltsanalyse nach Mayring und die Auswertung von Experteninterviews werden die Bestimmungsfaktoren für den gesundheitspolitischen Wandel analysiert. Auf Grund der Abweichung dieser Dissertation (Reformmöglichkeit) von bisherigen empirischen Ergebnissen (Reformresistenz) aus dem Bereich der Gesundheitspolitologie, leistet die in dieser Arbeit vorgenommene Erklärung von politischem Wandel einen Beitrag zur politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung. Die Dissertation zeigt, dass eine Kombination von Theoriemodulen aus der vergleichenden Staatstätigkeitsforschung und der Policy-Forschung die Einführung der elektronischen Kartensysteme im deutschen und österreichischen Gesundheitswesen sinnvoll erklären kann. Die Arbeit stellt dar, dass der politische Wandel vor allem bis zur Phase der Implementation im Politikzyklus in beiden Staaten zügig möglich war. Geänderte Machtverhältnisse, die Verteilung von Machtressourcen zwischen den Interessengruppen im Politikfeld, vormals getroffene politische Entscheidungen und selbstverstärkende Mechanismen, das Engagement "neuer" Akteure im Subsystem, sowie gebundene Rationalitäten der politischen Entscheider sind die maßgeblichen Gründe, welche die Einführung des elektronischen Kartensystems im deutschen und im österreichischen Gesundheitswesen veranlassten.

This short paper considers all possible stakeholders in different stages of a sustainability transition and matches their behavioral features and diversity to policies. This will involve an assessment of potential or expected responses of stakeholders to a range of policy instruments. Following the Multi-Level Perspective framework to conceptualize sustainability transitions, we classify the various transition policies at niche, regime and landscape levels. Next, we offer a complementary classification of policies based on a distinction between social preferences and bounded rationality. The paper identifies many barriers to making a sustainability transition and how to respond to them. In addition, lessons are drawn from the case of Denmark. The detailed framework and associated literature for the analysis was discussed in Milestone 31 of the WWWforEurope project (Gazheli et al., 2012). / Series: WWWforEurope

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Norberto Carbone de Carvalho.pdf: 1111622 bytes, checksum: 579a2500023600cdd506783797783afe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-09 / This thesis makes an analysis of the democracy practiced by political parties in Brazil, especially regarding their evolution from the 1988‟s Constitution. The study begins covering the different kinds of state‟s power organization, justifying the origin of democracy. After that, it discusses the beginning of representative government and the reasons for the birth of representative democracy and the democracy through political parties. As a result, this dissertation studies the modern political parties, especially its history, role and legal treatment, culminating with a brief historical analysis of those associations in Brazil. Finally, the work makes a thorough assessment of democracy through political parties in Brazil‟s current political framework. There are, at least, three assumptions that must be observed for the model‟s success: only political parties must present candidates; there must be political party loyalty; and we should have intra-party democracy. It took so long before political parties detain the exclusive prerogative of present candidates, that helped consolidate in Brazilians‟ popular culture the so called personal vote , where voters does not care about political parties, following charismatic leaders, regardless of their political party link. For a long time, candidates have become true masters of their term, which allows them to migrate from one political party to another, without any consequences, disturbing the democracy through political parties. Therefore, the absence of intra-party democracy has contributed to a paradox: the existence of an oligarchy inside the Brazilian‟s democracy. The political party leaders, perpetuated in power, impose, top-down, his favorite names to internal and external elections, not allowing sufficient space for debates, distorting the institution of political representation. The Tribunal Superior Eleitoral Act nº 22.610/2007, which governs the procedure of term loss due to disloyalty to a political party, represented a significant step forward to insure democracy through political parties; however, a number of small issues still wait for resolution, which delays the full implementation of the political party loyalty in Brazil. The intra-party democracy, on the other hand, must be thoroughly regulated by the law. Only after that, we will be able to discuss, with high probability of effectiveness, one policy reform that has as its objective reduce any existent gap between the voter‟s will and the elected one. / A presente dissertação faz uma análise da democracia pelos partidos praticada no Brasil, especialmente quanto à evolução da figura da agremiação partidária a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. O estudo inicia seu caminho abordando o surgimento e as diferentes maneiras de organização e funcionamento do poder estatal, justificando a explanação sobre a concepção e a origem da democracia. Ato contínuo, trata do surgimento do governo representativo e do respectivo modelo de exercício do poder político, além das razões do nascimento da democracia representativa e das justificativas para a adoção de uma democracia pelos partidos. Na sequência, a dissertação estuda os partidos políticos modernos, especialmente sua trajetória, função e tratamento legal, culminado com a análise de um breve histórico das agremiações no Brasil. Por fim, o trabalho efetua uma avaliação minuciosa da democracia pelos partidos no atual quadro político pátrio, examinando, à luz da realidade, ao menos três pressupostos que devem ser observados para o sucesso do modelo: a reserva do monopólio das candidaturas aos partidos políticos, a fidelidade partidária e a democracia intrapartidária. Conclui-se que os atrasos na adoção do monopólio das candidaturas e da fidelidade partidária contribuíram para consolidar, na cultura popular brasileira, o modelo de atribuição do voto na figura pessoal do candidato, fomentado, também, pela tradição do mandato representativo. Durante muito tempo, os candidatos tornaram-se verdadeiros donos dos mandatos, podendo migrar de uma agremiação a outra sem qualquer consequência, desnaturando o instituto da democracia pelos partidos. Já a ausência de democracia intrapartidária contribuiu para um paradoxo: fomentou a existência de uma oligarquia dentro de uma democracia, já que, no seio dos partidos políticos, os dirigentes partidários, perpetuados no poder, impõem, de cima para baixo, nomes de sua preferência aos cargos internos e eletivos, não permitindo que haja espaço para questionamentos, viciando a vontade popular e desvirtuando o instituto da representação política. A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral n° 22.610/2007, que disciplinou o processo de perda de cargo eletivo nos casos de infidelidade partidária, representou um avanço significativo para a democracia pelos partidos, porém, questões que decorrem da Resolução ainda estão sendo solucionadas, o que contribui para a demora na plena efetivação da fidelidade partidária. Quanto à democracia intrapartidária, torna-se vital a edição de normas que tenham como escopo assegurar o funcionamento democrático dos partidos, para que a vontade popular, quando do exercício do voto, não esteja maculada na origem. Dessa forma, presentes tais sustentáculos, teremos condições de discutir, com alta probabilidade de eficácia, uma reforma política que tenha por intuito diminuir eventual distância existente entre a vontade do eleitor e a do eleito.

The premises of the Swedish tax deduction for domestic services (RUT) could in part be said to be based upon the assumption that formal employment will lead to social and gender equality. But is this always the case? The purpose of this paper is to examine ways in which the experience of influence and inclusion has been affected by formal employment amongst women from migrant backgrounds working in the Swedish domestic service sector. This group could be described as one of the more disadvantaged in society. To what extent do they experience an increased sense of influence and inclusion due to their work? Using a feminist, intersectional approach based on gender, social class and ethnicity, the experiences of these women have been analysed in order to answer the research question. Unlike related, previous research, this paper is based on a best-case scenario. Yet it still reveals a limited experience of influence and inclusion amongst women from migrant backgrounds. Working in the Swedish domestic service sector hasn’t affected their experience to any greater extent. Although the RUT employment can be said to strengthen these women’s resources in various ways, for instance by coming to the conclusion that you won’t be satisfied with poor working conditions, which in turn can lead to trade union membership, the opposite is also present. Negative assumptions about the capabilities of domestic workers and the exhausting nature of the work act as barriers. The combined experience can therefore be described as limited. If the purpose is to increase social and gender equality by affecting these women’s experience of influence and inclusion, there are other, more efficient ways, than RUT employment, to do it.

This thesis analyzes how caring relationships and an emancipatory approach to law related education (LRE) within juvenile justice facilities can cultivate political agency. I focused specifically on Camp Afflerbaugh-Paige, an LA County juvenile probation facility, in La Verne, CA, as a case study. During three months of teaching a law related education class and embedding myself at the facility with an asset-based framework, I encountered a wealth of knowledge that incarcerated juveniles possess, not from formal education or research, but based in their own lived experiences. Los Angeles County Probation spends $233,000 per student per year; assuming best intentions of those in charge and the actors, the students, with a wide array of expertise, should be thriving within these institutions and set up for success upon their release. Unfortunately, though, students’ academic, entrepreneurial, and legal expertise are criminalized rather than cultivated by the juvenile justice system. Through a policy class, the students created reforms to address the challenges of a paramilitary camp that neglects students’ emotional, physical, and mental health. The challenges in the environment complicate the political agency of students within the camp and post-release. I am making the claim that the political agency of the students is visible and the assets are tangibly cultivated by an emancipatory pedagogy, ethic of care, and the law related education curriculum.