President Trump’s presidency can be characterized as unpredictable, controversial, and unconventional. One such instance is America’s departure from decades of free-trade advocacy under his administration and engagement in trade disputes with numerous nations. By viewing the 2018 trade dispute through the political and economic perspectives, this thesis aims to understand what the motivating factors are for Trump and his administration to pursue such extensive protectionist policies. The author analyzes the tariffs through two main categories: those that target an adversarial power, China, and those that target traditional allies like Canada, Mexico, and the European Union. The thesis finds that, politically and economically, the protectionist policies have a low likelihood of yielding a substantial payout for the Trump administration. They also potentially threaten to undermine the U.S-built world order.

Hurricane Katrina made landfall on the American Gulf Coast on August 29, 2005. Biloxi, Mississippi, a small town on the coast, was one of the towns devastated by the storm. A decade after the storm, recovery remains an ongoing process. My ethnographic research in 2006, 2010, and 2011 and media and historic document analysis throughout these ten years explore this recovery process and what pre-disaster cultural, social, political, and economic issues have shaped Biloxi and Biloxians' recovery. The small coastal city of Biloxi sits on the Mississippi Sound of the Gulf of Mexico. The city's history and residents' identities are intertwined with this waterfront location. Biloxians rely on the Gulf for recreation and job opportunities, particularly in the long-standing seafood and tourism industries. Scattered piers are filled with recreational and shrimping boats. Casinos dot the shoreline where seafood processing plants once stood. Many Biloxians still proudly identify with the city's coastal location, neighborhoods they were raised in or lived in before Katrina, their perceived socioeconomic class status, and their own and their ancestor's racial, ethnic, and national identities. However, Biloxi's waterfront location also makes the city prone to hurricane strikes. Historic storms like Camille in 1969 and Fort Lauderdale in 1947 have affected the city's development and influenced residents' beliefs and behaviors during their preparation for Katrina. Biloxians were aware of Katrina's predicted landfall in the days and hours before the storm, but this history of hurricanes influenced many residents' decisions to remain in the city for the storm. Many residents I spoke to described their belief that survival in previous storms indicated they would survive Katrina. Other pre-Katrina processes influenced Biloxians' preparations for, coping with, and response to the disaster, as expected in vulnerability theory. Poorer and working class residents were less able to prepare for or evacuate before the storm, if they chose to do so. Residents in higher risk neighborhoods like East Biloxi found themselves affected more severely by the storm, often losing much of their homes and lives. Biloxians' with less political and economic power struggled to keep their voice heard as city and other government officials laid the framework for recovery. Pre-Katrina Biloxians' cultural, political, and economic inequalities directly affected the recovery process. To better understand these influences, in this research I use a political economy approach to describe and analyze Biloxi's recovery from Katrina. To strengthen this analysis, I have also drawn on theories regarding vulnerability and resilience, risk and uncertainty, and cultural-historical context. Each of these approaches contributes to a better understanding of how post-disaster recovery processes work - particularly in the case of post-Katrina Biloxi. This work also builds on disaster anthropology and social science research that rejects the concept of disasters as isolated events and instead argues that disasters are influenced by broader and long-standing cultural, political, and economic processes. In this work I also bring this argument for a holistic approach into long-term disaster recovery. The holistic anthropological approach to the post-Katrina Biloxi that I have used here reveals the importance of understanding a range of facts and processes that exist before, during, and after a disaster to explore the recovery process. Post-Katrina Biloxi is as much a product of pre-Katrina Biloxi as it is a product of the effects of the hurricane itself.

During the summer of 2004 I interned with the Mental Health Association of Greater Tampa Bay (MHA), a local affiliate of the National Mental Health Association. My time spent with the MHA became a gateway into the world of mental health. In the course of fulfilling my duties, I developed a particular interest in understanding the services that are available to persons, especially adults seeking treatment/services for mental illness. Through the MHA I was introduced to a wide range of people who have some link to mental health services, including psychiatrists, therapists, policy makers, and lawyers. This thesis utilizes an anthropological perspective to review the mental health policies, services, and provider networks available in the Tampa Bay region. My findings reflect the views of providers of or advocates for mental health services. This thesis is therefore presented as a necessary baseline and prelude to a more comprehensive study of consumer/client responses to the system. My data suggests that mental health services in Florida provide only a patchwork of services: there are not enough professional service providers to handle the actual patient load. Providers of mental health services who serve the uninsured are particularly overburdened. The largest barrier to providing treatment is underfunding, relative to the actual cost of services. Treatment is also impacted by the stigma attached to seeking mental health services.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study traces the political economy of the social protection policy processes in the two country case studies of Zambia and Zimbabwe. It focuses on the role of global actors/external agencies (bilaterals, multilaterals and IFIs), national actors (government, parliament) and local actors (beneficiary communities, INGOs, CSOs) in social protection policy evolution. It looks at the power dynamics within the policy space: who is more powerful and who is less powerful, who voices and whose voice matters, who makes decisions and who follows decisions, who drives the policy and who follows, who has the money and who follows the money, who consults and who is consulted, and whether the rural communities (perceived beneficiaries) are active participants or ‘passive’ recipients. Therefore, the study is based on key informant interviews with officials from government, external agencies, INGOs and CSOs as well as focus group discussions with the communities. What emerges is that social protection is a policy contestation between the external agencies themselves; between external agencies and the government; between personnel of the same external agency; and within the government itself. Despite being driven by a common goal to fight poverty, external agencies have different global social protection policy positions and each would ‘push’ for the adoption of that policy position over the rest. Contestation between external agencies and the government reflect that government priorities differ from those of the external agencies. While external agencies pushed for social protection, the government would prefer agricultural subsidies to support the productive capacity of the people. Intra-government ‘struggles’ relate to the contest over which ministry is best placed to coordinate social protection and Ministry of Finance’s ambivalence over budgetary commitment to social protection. The study therefore underscores the primacy of politics in social protection.

From the middle of the 1970s, an increasing amount of scholarly analysis centred around the concept of leadership in international relations at a time when US post-Second World War leadership began to decline. As a major beneficiary of this decline, Japan assumed the mantle of a replacement in the burgeoning field devoted to the study of changes in the international political economy. A major problem became the way in which the study of leadership in international relations became hostage to the singular example of the United States. The conflation between leadership on the one hand, with US interests and responsibilities on the other, rendered much of the analysis flawed. The growing disparities between the supply of international public goods and narrowly conceived US foreign policy interests undermined the overall study of international leadership. Japan, as the country during the 1980s perceived most likely to supplant the US as the largest and most influential capitalist economy, became the centre of interest in this field. This thesis seeks to more comprehensively measure and analyse Japanese leadership in a more contextual and thorough means through the comparative use of case studies between 1960 and 2000. Through noting the differences in country and regional reactions to Japanese foreign policy, this study demonstrates that leadership perceptions are more often than not driven by national self interest rather than an ideal type of responsible leadership.

This thesis consists of three essays in the fields of the political economy of international trade. Location Equilibrium with Endogenous Rent Seeking: This paper analyzes the location of manufacturing activities when regional policy is determined by endogenous rent seeking. Once lobbying for government transfers to regions is included in an economic geography framework with size asymmetries, the standard prediction that the larger region becomes the core when trade barriers are reduced no longer holds. The establishment of manufacturing production in the economically smaller region is increasing in the level of regional integration once trade becomes freer than a certain threshold value. When free trade prevails, the relocation of industry takes place up to the point where there are as many firms operating in the South as in the North. Furthermore, lobbying slows down the agglomeration process, whereas the home market magnification effect (Baldwin, 2000) becomes weaker. Endogenous Tariff Formation and the Political Economy of Trade Retaliation: This paper extends the notion of endogenous tariff formation under representative democracy by allowing for strategic interaction between governments. The model developed suggests that the ideological distribution in the electorate within a country affects the tariff setting behavior among its trading partners. The equilibrium tariffs in a country depend on the trade policy preferences of the ideologically neutral voters among such partners as well as on the distribution of their sector-specific factor ownership. Ideological shifts in the population which systematically alter the political power of different voter groups, or types of factor owners, in one country thus influence the tariff setting behavior in competing trading nations. On the Indeterminacy of Trade Policy under Different Electoral Rules: Current research has found ambiguous results with respect to the effects of the type of electoral regime on trade policy. The present paper proposes a solution to this indeterminacy. It is shown that the equilibrium level of trade protection can be relatively higher, as well as lower, under a majoritarian electoral rule compared to proportional representation. The framework developed in this paper thus includes as special cases earlier models reported in the literature. The equilibrium outcome is shown to depend on the number of voters in swing districts who own a factor specific to the exporting industry in relation to those who possess claims to the specific input employed by the import-competing sector. Using a cross section of countries, empirical evidence is consistent with this hypothesis.

Since 1992, India has grown as a global player in the finance world. In spite of its success, India has not been able to rid itself of potentially harmful practices. One such practice is the issuing of Participatory Notes (PN) to foreign investors, so that they can anonymously purchase securities or derivatives listed on the Indian Stock Exchanges. This instrument came into public view when it accounted for approximately 50% of all foreign portfolio assets in India. Since then, the laws regarding PNs have evolved to become a more transparent version of the old rules. Although PN levels are not close to as high as 2007, a rising trend in PNs has been observed from September to November 2012. Regulation may have helped figure out who the end PN holder is, but it has not helped mitigate the inherent volatility that some scholars argued PNs had. This paper follows previous researchers claims to try to resolve the issue using rigorous econometric analysis. It uses the Vector Auto Regression (VAR) Model to find the coefficient of change in Participatory Note volume when regressed against the U.S. Dollar Indian Rupee Nominal Exchange Rate. Although the model’s results are interpreted, a problem of serial correlation existed in the model, thus impairing the results.

Coal mining carries significant impacts for surrounding livelihood practices. Yet, in order to explain how specific impacts become grounded within a particular community, attention must be given to the complex assemblage of socio-political and economic forces operating at the local scale. As such, this paper builds upon 3 months of field research in 2010 to describe the impact of decentralized extractive resource governance at coal mines near the rural coastal village of Sekerat, East Kalimantan. Employing evolutions in political ecology research, the analysis focuses on the evolving governance ‘space’ in order to explain how institutional analyses of resource extraction governance and livelihood governance can be integrated to understand how scalar processes construct a range of real and perceived impacts which condition the decision-making modalities of local villagers. A case is then made for giving greater consideration to the importance of temporality and materiality to explaining how land-based and wage-labour livelihood practices have become ‘reified’ within the local village.

The research question animating this project is ‘what is the nature of neoliberalism’s influence on recent and contemporary US climate change policy?’ Situating itself against several growing bodies of literature which have sought to underscore the fetishism of markets in recent environmental and climate policy agendas under neoliberalism – e.g., the work of Heynen et al (2007) on ‘neoliberal environments’; Paterson and Newell’s (2010) work on neoliberalism and carbon markets; and the work of Dryzek et al (2003) on state forms and ecological modernization – this project argues that any such analysis must be predicated on a considerably more nuanced conception of (a) ‘neoliberalism’, (b) the historic role of states in fostering accumulation, and (c) the nature of policy development within any specific neoliberal context. Applying these theoretical re-conceptualizations to the American context, the project argues that a central tension informing contemporary US climate policy under neoliberalism can be understood a stand-off between two prevailing logics in the federal policy process: on the one hand, Washington’s attempt to build on its tradition of using state power to foster high-tech market development by cultivating the alternative energy realm as a developmental state project, and on the other, the anti-regulationist bent of neoliberalism which seeks to delegitimize the ‘pull’ policies required to ‘creatively destroy’ conventional energy and animate domestic alternative energy markets. Against the general conception of the US as a ‘climate laggard’ whose policy options are restricted market mechanisms and generally anathema to progressive ecological modernization, this body of work shows how the US has managed to develop a robust set of interventionist ‘push’ and ‘pull’ climate policies along ‘alternative policy pathways’, despite the prevailing anti-state rhetoric of neoliberalism.

When setting the stringency of environmental regulations of the intensive livestock industry, governments make a trade-off between rural economic development and environmental quality. This trade-off represents the weight the government places on social welfare relative to the profitability of the intensive livestock industry. The impact of the weight the government places on rural economic development on the formation of environmental regulations in the US intensive livestock industry is examined in this thesis. A political economy model explaining the formation of environmental regulations in the presence of a special interest lobby group is developed. The theoretical model finds that the incumbent government sets policy in response to the marginal disutility from pollution, the intensity of pollution damages, and according to the weight the government places on rural economic development. The theoretical model is tested using a cross-sectional analysis of 1997 intensive livestock industry environmental regulations across US states. Econometric results provide evidence that state governments implement more stringent regulations in response to the concerns of rural citizens and the intensity of pollution damages. The study finds that the pressure to pursue rural economic development has a positive relationship with the stringency of regulations.