Bibliography: pages 304-324. / This thesis explores the inter-relationship between theory and practice in a number of ways. I shall mainly be concerned with analysing the effects of participation in the 1985-6 Western Cape struggles upon the political consciousness of former student leaders. A representative, random sample of the 1985 Student Representative Council members of a certain high school in Cape Town was taken and respondents were then interviewed individually during the last quarter of 1990. The subject of the thesis is closely tied to the particular method used to investigate it. I shall argue and present reasons why the ethnographic interviewing commonly used in cultural anthropology is theoretically appropriate as means to collect empirical material for use in the analysis of the topic. Arising from the methodology, a secondary focus of this study concerns the interaction between the biases (or "theory") which social scientists bring to their research and the actual, raw data collected. This variation of the theory-practice nexus is not examined in detail, only when it is directly relevant to the main analysis. How was all of the foregoing arrived at? I shall show that the interplay between action and thought was central to the events which occurred during the 1985-6 rebellion. It is this fact which justifies the study of the above topic and which led to conceptualizing of the research as outlined. In addition, this same feature of the uprising can be used to examine the political consciousness of the ex-students. In other words, their present-day perceptions in regard to past experiences in mass struggle can be analysed in terms of the boycott seen as action (practice) and the boycott seen as symbolising ideas (thought). The main conclusion reached is that there is both a unity and a disjunction of theory and practice in the political outlook of respondents. On the one hand, interviewees understand and evaluated those events in which they directly participated. This was done in contradictory ways and showed a general move away from militancy towards conservatism. On the other hand, the great majority of respondents are still struggling to make sense of the wider social issues produced during the uprising. These aspects of respondent thinking are viewed in relation to one another and I try to give explanations for them. Finally, I suggest what the contemporary significance of the above conclusions for the struggle for socialism could be.

Submitted in fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Education in the Department of Educational Psychology in the Faculty of Education at the University of Zululand. = Afr: Proefskrif voorgele ter nakoming van die Vereistes vir die Graad Doctor Educationis in die Departement Opvoedkundlge Sielkunde van die Fakulteit Opvoedkunde aan die Universiteit van Zoeloeland, 1994. / Eng = The aim of this study was to determine whether white teachers maintain certain perceptions regarding the black teacher's occupational world as life-world. From the literature study it became clear that the implementation of the policy of separate development caused black and white teachers to exercise their professions separately and therefore had little or no opportunity for professional contact. Separate subsystems of education, each with it's own standard, caused black and white teachers to form different perceptions of one another's occupational worlds. Resistance to the policy of separate development influenced the education system and led to the crisis in black education. Education became the battlefield of political ideologies. This crisis culminated in the Soweto uprisings of 1976. Both pupils and teachers took to unacceptable behaviour such as stay-aways, strikes, and boycotts in order to accomplish certain political goals. In order to determine white teachers perceptions of the black teachers occupational world, an empirical study was undertaken. The content of the self structured questionnaire dealt with certain relevant aspects of the teachers occupational world. From this research it became clear that white teachers are of the opinion that the black teacher's training is not always of a high professional standard and that black teachers often act in an unprofessional manner. Results from the empirical research indicated that white teachers have a very limited knowledge of the black teacher's occupational world as life-world. As a result of the findings of this research certain recommendations were made: * A Council for Teachers must be established. * All teachers must be compelled to register with the recommended Council. * All curricula for both the training of student teachers and permanentteachers who wish to improve their qualifications, must be accredited with the Council for Teachers. * All teachers must undergo a period of internship. * All teachers must be professionally equipped for a new education dispensation. With this research an effort was made to establish certain recommendations in order to improve the relationship between black and white teachers in a new educational dispensation. It is trusted that this study on teacher perceptions will eventually lead to a better quality of education for all the children of South Africa. Afr =Die doel van hierdie studie was om vas te stel of wit onderwysers sekere persepsies rakende die beroepswereld as leefwereld van swart onderwysers huldig. Uit die Iiteratuurstudie het dit geblyk dat die implementering van die beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling daartoe gelei dat swart en wit onderwysers hulle professies apart moes beoefen en gevolglik min geleentheid tot professionele kontak gehad het. Afsonderlike substelsels vir onderwys, elk met eiesoortige standaarde het veroorsaak dat wit en swart onderwysers sekere persepsies van mekaar se beroepswerelde gevorm het. Verset teen die beleid van afsonderJike ontwikkeling wat na die onderwys oorgespoel het, het swart onderwys in 'n krisis gedompel. Onderwys het die politieke slagveld van ideologiese doelwitte geword. Hierdie krisis het in die Soweto-opstande van 1976 gekulmineer. Nie net het leerlinge hulle aan onaanvaarbare gedrag begin skuldig maak nie, maar onderwysers het hulle ook al hoe meer tot onprofessionele gedrag 5005 wegbly-aksies, stakings en boikotte gewend ten einde sekere doelwitte te bereik. Ten einde die aard van die wit onderwysers se persepsie van die swart onderwyser se beroepswereld te bepaal, is 'n empiriese ondersoek deur middel van 'n selfgestruktureerde vraelys onderneem. Die inhoud van die vraelys het gehandel oar sekere aspekte van die onderwyser se beroepswereld. Uit die ondersoek het dit geblyk dat die wit onderwyser van mening is dat swart onderwysopleiding nie van hoogstaande professionele gehalte is nie en dat swart onderwysers hulle dikwels aan onprofessionele gedrag skuldig maak. By die verwerking van die statistiese data het dit geblyk dat wit onderwysers 'n beperkte kennis en insig rakende die swart onderwyser se beroepswereld as leefwereld het. Op grand van die bevindinge van die ondersoek word die volgende aanbevelings gemaak: * * * Oat die daarstelling van 'n Raad vir Onderwysers oorweeg sal word. Oat daar van alle onderwysers in die toekoms verwag sal word om by 'n Raad vir Onderwysers te registreer. Oat alle kurrikula vir die opleiding van onderwysers by die Raad vir Onderwysers geakkrediteer sal word. Met hierdie navorsing is daar gepoog om aanbevelings te maak wat die verhouding tussen wit en swart onderwysers in 'n nuwe onderwysbedeling sal verbeter. Die hoop word uitgespreek dat die verbetering van die swart onderwyser se kwalifikasies sy professionele gedrag sal bevorder en uiteindelik tot 'n beter gehalte onderwys vir al die kinders van Suid-Afrika mag lei.

Federally mandated citizen participation has been controversial since its inception in 1964. It has been as difficult to implement in practice as it has been to define conceptually. An examination of the literature related to this federally mandated citizen participation uncovers a number of untested assumptions relating to the individual political behavior of those for whom participation is mandated. This literature concentrates on forms of organized group participation, and the direct action of these groups in the planning and policy-making process, but it tends to ignore the fact that participation in the organized neighborhood groups advocated is essentially an individual political decision. Also ignored is the substantial body of research and literature related to individual political behavior which generally finds that levels and rates of participation are a function of socio-economic factors. This well established research suggests those for whom participation is mandated--residents of low income and low socio-economic status neighborhoods--are the least likely to become politically active. The general weakness of this body of research and literature, which is based largely on the electoral process, is that it fails to adequately explain or predict the significant levels of participation actually exhibited by lower income and lower socio-economic status individuals in the War on Poverty, Model Cities, and similar programs. A more holistic model of political behavior based on social-psychological concepts allows a much broader view of the elements which may contribute to this more non-traditional type of political behavior. Such a model has been developed by Robert Lane and others. It suggests perceptual and attitudinal variables which may be especially useful in explaining and/or predicting the participation of lower socio-economic status individuals in these programs. These perceptual and attitudinal variables, and their relationships to political participation, are the focus of the research undertaken in this dissertation. Through a random sample household interview survey, a study of the perceptual and attitudinal variables associated with resident participation in elections, issues, and neighborhood groups was undertaken in two low income neighborhoods in the City of Portland, Oregon. The survey results suggest that individuals active in neighborhood groups and issues are not necessarily the same individuals highly involved in traditional electoral activity. These survey results indicate a number of perceptual and attitudinal variables significantly associated with participation in neighborhood groups and issues: (1) the perception of the existence of neighborhood problems; (2) salience of perceived neighborhood problems; (3) feelings of personal and/or group efficacy in doing something about the specific problems perceived; (4) perception of the social and political nature of identified neighborhood problems; (5) attitudes toward the value of participation as a desired end in itself; and (6) attitudes toward voting, petitioning, collective action, non-violent protest, and violent protest as approved and effective means to solve neighborhood problems. The survey results also indicate systematic differences in the perceptual and attitudinal variables associated with the participation of Black and White survey respondents. White participation appears to be much more highly related to the perception of neighborhood problems than Black participation. Whites in the study appear to participate as a means to solve problems they perceive in their neighborhood, while participation seems to be more an end in itself for the Blacks surveyed. The results of the survey tend to validate important elements of a social-psychological model of political behavior. The results also suggest that more attention needs to be focused on the relationships between individuals' perceptions of their environment and political behavior.

In order to assess political activity levels of Portland social workers, thirty Master of Social Work (M.S.W.) social workers were interviewed according to a structured questionnaire. The members of the sample were selected from National Association of Social Workers, Oregon Chapter membership and from selected public social service agencies. The results showed, in comparison to previous research findings of Lester Milbrath and Julian Woodward, that Portland social workers are more politically active and knowledgeable than hypothesized. Portland social workers were found to be largely Democrats. The most politically active social workers were found to be those who are employed in private social service agencies, those at agencies employing fifteen people or fewer, those who received their M.S.W. degree prior to 1975, and those age thirty or older. With regard to attitudes, Portland social workers tend to prefer low visibility political tactics and view the political system as being related to client needs or agency functioning only in respect to funding and the provision of services.

No description available.

No description available.

For many years a difference of opinion has existed regarding the role, if any, that a teacher should play in the political life of the community. There existed, and still exists, a great variance of opinion even on the part of teachers as to their political role. Some would have teachers set themselves completely apart from anything that even remotely resembles politics. Others would have teachers become deeply involved in the political life of the community. Heretofore no basis for participation in politics has been given other than personal opinion. Should teachers participate in partisan politics? This single question states the major problem of this thesis. The word “partisan” included in the question serves as one means of differentiating the activity to be discussed here from “school politics.” The solution of the problem would have to be based on precedent and opinion. Therefore, two other questions resulted to serve as a starting point and to implement a base: (1) What role or roles have teachers in the past played in politics?; (2) To what extent are teachers in Stockton participating in politics?

Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett / Government, today, encapsulates both politics and bureaucracy. Yet if politics and bureaucracy are understood within this context it is hard to conceptualize the nature of each or their effect on one another. In this paper I attempt to separate bureaucracy from politics in order to understand each before considering their effect upon one another. I begin by considering bureaucracy according to its most famous commentator, Max Weber. Since bureaucracy must be understood in relation to the modern state, I include a treatment of the modern state that presumes a beneficial civil service, G.F.W. Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. If Hegel shows us a politics dependent upon the bureaucracy and seamlessly reflected in that bureaucracy, we must examine politics anew in a context in which it is neither entangled with nor compromised by bureaucracy. Aristotle provides a definition of politics unencumbered with bureaucratic administration: a seeming alternative to the modern state. But is such activity possible today? Or in the American republic? I conclude with a discussion of these questions using the work of Hannah Arendt and James Q. Wilson. Arendt discusses the worst effects of bureaucratic administration while Wilson suggests that the American constitutional order can withstand the addition of bureaucratic administration. The question that remains is whether politics as described by Aristotle—speech about justice and injustice on the public stage—can exist alongside the American bureaucracy. My initial response to this question is yes and no: political speech in America is still possible, but its character has been altered. The productive form of political speech has become complaint—complaint against the actions of the government, complaint that makes its way to the floors of the House and Senate, and complaint that is registered in the voting box or the courthouse. Complaint, however, is not the whole of political speech, and therefore bureaucracy cannot be wholly compatible with political activity. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

This dissertation consists of three papers that are linked through the topic of organizational capabilities. The first paper, entitled "Organizational Core Capabilities, Strategic Intent and Performance: A Study of the Pharmaceutical Industry," looks at the association between capabilities, strategic intent and performance. Employing capabilities theory and the strategic intent literature, I model (i) the association of firm-level capabilities and rigidities on performance, (ii) the association of strategic intent and performance and (iii) the interaction effects of capabilities and strategic intent upon performance. Our sample consists of pharmaceutical firms during the years 1993 to 2003 and I find that both capabilities and strategic intent are negatively associated with firm performance. The interaction of the two main effects is positively related to performance conditional on firms having high strategic intent. The findings point to potential evidence of core rigidities theory as well as strategic intent theory, which has yet to be empirically tested by scholars. The second paper is entitled "The Impact of Political Capabilities on Firm Performance: An Empirical Investigation." In this paper, I integrate capabilities theory with the literature on corporate political activity (CPA). The CPA literature has been robust in addressing the determinants of a firm's choice to engage in political activities but has been less robust in modeling the CPA-performance link. I address this by first integrating capabilities theory and political action and then by testing a number of constructs on a sample of Fortune 500 firms from varying industries. Specifically, I find that political action committee (PAC) intensity and lobbying intensity is associated with higher firm performance. I then interact PAC intensity with lobbying intensity and also find positive association between this interaction and performance, denoting that these two activities are complements and not substitutes. Finally, I moderate these relationships with industry concentration and find that performance increases for politically active firms as industries become more concentrated. The third paper is titled "Political Capabilities and Rigidities: The Case of AT&T's Acquisition Attempt of T-Mobile USA." This paper studies, in an in-depth case study, the political capabilities of American Telephone and Telegraph (AT&T), focusing on the years 1984-2011. Using capabilities and rigidities theory from management, I provide detailed evidence of (i) AT&T's intent to compete on political capabilities, (ii) the success derived from these political capabilities and (iii) situational failure resulting from an over-reliance on these political capabilities. In the empirical section, I show how the firm failed to assess external information that it needed to adjust its competitive strategy and, as a result, failed to acquire a key competitor. This paper makes contributions to capabilities research, rigidities research and corporate political activity. / Business Administration/Strategic Management

Despite having expertise on the day to day consequences of how individuals and groups are impacted by the policies and decisions of governments, charities have experienced a great deal of tension in their attempts to influence public policy. The CPS-022 Policy Statement that restricts the political activity of charities to 10 percent of their overall budget has been identified as confusing, antiquated, and not in line with the advocacy role that some charities identify as necessary for social change. These tensions were further exacerbated by the political activity audit program which was enacted by the Harper government from 2012-2015. This program caused an advocacy chill that was felt to varying levels by different charities in the sector. The purpose of this research is to explore how the CPS-022 interacts with everyday practice as it pertains to advocacy, gauge whether or not there has been a warming to the advocacy chill, and to collect senior employee’s impressions regarding the proposed recommendations for changes to the CPS-022 collected by a consultation panel. Semi structured qualitative interviews were completed with 6 participants from macro-based social organizations in Ontario. Participants shared their opinions and experiences of audit, governmental control of the social agenda, working within the policy statement, and the panel’s recommendations for change. Using a structural social work lens to analyze the data, it was found that a lack of clarity and a broad scope of interpretation within the CPS-022 made advocacy more daunting, participants were not concerned about exceeding the 10 percent limit, and there has been a variable warming to the advocacy chill. Participants were generally happy with the recommendations laid out by the panel, despite a lack of focus on clarifying partisanship, and the potential for broadness in the legislation. Overall, it became obvious that the charitable sector is in a period of transition and growth with regard to their role in public policy development. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)