This dissertation examines the effectiveness and political support surrounding third-party interventions in civil wars, which have increased in frequency, type, and number of actors since the collapse of Cold War bipolarity. The existing literature has mainly examined the individual effects of third-party strategies, though the growing presence of concurrently occurring types of third-party interventions necessitates exploration of their interactive effects. Thus, this thesis seeks to understand different actions from multiple actors dependently rather than independently. Understanding the effectiveness of these strategies is only one step towards realizing whether third-party interventions are desirable. The motivation and the will of the actors responsible for the policy execution are crucial in realizing the full picture. The ubiquitous problem arising from the third-party interventions requires a multipronged methodological approach. This thesis, therefore, combines both observational and experimental data to explore this issue. While the primary results show that peacekeeping and mediation are the most effective and supported strategies of engagement, both effectiveness and support appear to be highly context-dependent. Further, this thesis surveys American public and political elites to delve into the determinants of support for third-party interventions. It nds that both the public and the political elite are sensitive to civilian casualties, yet in the face of a political rivalry these humanitarian concerns dissipate. Additionally, political elites are interested in ending hostilities only as long as their national security interests are at stake. By filling a gap in the literature, generating original data, and utilizing novel methodological approach, these results have underlined the need for improvement of policy decisions in the area of international confict management and, at the same time, build upon the new direction of research in the eld of confict dynamics.

政治學理中，將政黨定義為「具相同利益，以爭取政治權力為目標的團體」。政黨壟斷政治精英的甄補，藉由對公職候選人的提名競選以獲取權力。政治菁英透過黨公職歷練，形塑並推動黨綱的政治主張，並經由選舉取得政治權力。由此觀之，政黨菁英對政黨與政府決策發展、以及「認同政治」等研究議題而言，具有重要的關鍵影響力，也一直是重要的研究議題。 　　是故，那些人能為菁英？菁英如何獲取權位和政治權力？臺灣政治菁英的背景與甄補途徑，從威權至民主轉型以迄兩次政黨輪替至今又有何發展？本文嘗試從菁英理論出發，以國民黨籍第十四屆中常委至第十七屆中常委（1993-2008）為研究對象，藉由釐清民主化後至今的菁英甄補發展之脈絡，以分析國民黨籍菁英特質與甄補方式。 　　本文研究結果顯示，國民黨政治菁英甄補來源由早期黨職、公職選舉、考試、軍隊等四種途徑，隨本土化政策於1970年代轉變為本省籍技術官僚，至1986年民主化後在黨內權力鬥爭和在野黨競爭下，漸由民選政治菁英入主決策核心。政黨輪替後，國民黨中常會更由中央民代藉選舉實力及換票聯盟的運作而掌握多數席次，並漸有第二代繼承家族事業的發展趨勢。然而在菁英甄補來源日趨多元化的同時，其準黨國威權體制架構下的甄補機制民主化程度依然有限，促使國民黨將持續推動後續的改革。 / The political Elites obtain the power by elections through promoting the political opinion of the party platform and operation of the leading factor and national development. The Importance of the Elites has been an important research issue. Therefore, who will be the Elite? How do the elites take the power? What is the development of the elites of Taiwan from the authoritarian regime to now? Rested on the theories of Elite Recruitment. The thesis try to explore and analysis the background of the member and the recruitment mechanism of the members of the Kuomintang central committee form 14th to 17th (1993-2008). After The Party Transformation, the KMT legislators gain the most committee seats by their strength of electing and strategic alliance. There also have a transition within Political Family, However, as the more pluralism the member was, the demarcations of internal-party and the mechanism of recruitment wa insufficiency, by the way , the democratically reform of KMT both the mechanism of internal election and recruitment is necessary.

A pesquisa aqui realizada trata da questão social e da legislação trabalhista e previdenciária na Primeira República brasileira, do período que vai da Constituição de 1891, até sua revisão em 1926. O argumento que se busca demonstrar a partir das fontes primárias dos Anais da Câmara dos Deputados, e Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como os jornais da grande imprensa, e da imprensa operária, é que o federalismo e as disputas entre as elites regionais teve maior relevância para o atraso da elite parlamentar em aprovar legislação social a nível federal, do que propriamente um caráter defensivo dos legisladores, ou um comportamento dócil e inerte do poder legislativo, em plena subserviência e obediência ao poder executivo. / This dissertation deals with the social question and labor and pension legislation in the Brazilian First Republic and it comprehends the period of the 1891 Constitution until its review in 1926. Taking as a starting point primary sources such as the Anais da Câmara dos Deputados and the Diários do Congresso Nacional, as well as mainstream and working class contemporary newspapers, we seek to demonstrate what Federalism is. We also aim to determine how the disputes between the regional elites are more relevant to the late approval of social legislation at federal level by the parliamentary elite than a defensive character of legislators or a docile and inert behavior concerning the legislative power, subservient to the executive power.

This thesis studies political elites’ beliefs about the ideal party leader. This ideal, like other human ideals, is characterized by ambivalence. The thesis explores the ambivalence expressed in party elites’ leadership ideal and how it can be understood. The study draws primarily on qualitative interviews with members of the party elites in the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party in Sweden. Specifically, it analyzes the “life world” of the party leaders, party secretaries, group leaders in the Swedish Parliament, and election committee chairmen. Building on classical and modern research on leadership and political parties, the thesis derives an analytical tool to guide the interviews which covers six aspects of party leadership: Characteristics, Leadership style, Tasks, Freedom of action, Representation, and Status. The empirical analysis shows that the elites’ party leadership ideal is ambivalent and different across the two parties. The ambiguities can be summarized as dichotomies, where the ideal leader should encompass both sides of the dichotomy. The Social Democratic Party elites’ ideal is represented by two dichotomies: the leader versus the team and the party versus the government. To bridge the ambiguities, the elite resort to the idea of “anchoring”. This notion resolves conflicts between the leader and the surrounding team and the party and the government. The ideal of the Liberal Party’s elites includes four dichotomies: dogmatism versus pragmatism; idea versus person; appearance (outward-looking) versus action (inward-looking); and free versus constrained. Unlike the case of the Social Democratic Party, it is less evident how the Liberal Party’s elites accommodate the ambiguities. However, an emphasis on accountability and maintaining a balance between existing conflicts, partially remedies the dilemma. Also, the idea of leadership within the Liberal Party is less problematic compared to the Social Democratic Party. In sum, while the Social Democrats’ ideal resembles the “friendly father figure”, the Liberals’ ideal is portrayed by the “superficial intellectual”. The findings also indicate that the way in which the parties were established, their experience of being in government, size, ideology, and position within the party system affect their beliefs about leadership ideals.

Focalizada nas políticas públicas ambientais em Cabo Verde, sobretudo na delimitação das áreas de conservação, esta tese busca discutir as agendas institucionais dos Estados pós-coloniais na África. Ao traçar este como seu objetivo, questiona também o papel das elites políticas na busca de referências para o desenvolvimento nacional de seus países. Assim, partindo de uma abordagem institucionalista, referenciada em M. Douglas e E. Ostrom, com um enfoque na análise dos discursos, das práticas e dos atores, foi privilegiada uma abordagem qualitativa com recurso a entrevistas estruturadas e focused interview. Delinearamse, nesses termos, as seguintes hipóteses: que os Estados pós-coloniais do Sul situam-se em matéria de políticas públicas ambientais como nos demais campos de desenvolvimento nacional – mimetizando os modelos institucionais dos países do Norte e/ou das suas ex-metrópoles; em consequência, ao assimilarem tais modelos, as entidades políticas nascentes e suas elites vêm provocando a extroversão; e a problemática de importação de modelos institucionais não é um fenômeno ex-nihilo: há sempre, por um lado, “conjunturas críticas” produtoras de “orfandades” que estimulam as referidas elites a se empenharem na procura de modelos exógenos e, por outro lado, existe também uma forte pressão por parte das agências internacionais financiadoras no sentido de as elites se situarem em relação aos modelos exógenos. Conclui-se que, não obstante a “compra” de modelos institucionais para o desenvolvimento, os efeitos decorrentes demonstraram ser problemáticos quando a importação é estabelecida como hegemônica – a única estratégia possível. No domínio do ambiente, os parques de Serra Malagueta e Fogo testemunham o caráter extrovertido da instituição. / Focused on environmental public policies in Cape Verde, especially in the delineation of conservation areas, this thesis discusses the institutional agendas of post-colonial states in Africa. In tracing this as its objective questions, too, the role of political elites in search of references to national development of their countries. Thus, starting from an institutional approach, referred in M. Douglas and E. Ostrom, with a focus on the analysis of discourses, practices and actors was privileged qualitative approach using structured interviews and focused interview. Was outlined in these terms, the following hypotheses: that the post-colonial states of the South are located in the field of environmental public policies as in other fields of national development - mimicking the institutional models of the North countries and / or its former metropolises, as a result, such models to assimilate the new entities and their nascent political elites have led extraversion, and that the issue of import of institutional models, is not a phenomenon ex-nihilo, there is always one hand "critical junctures" producing "orphaned" that stimulate these elites to engage in the search for exogenous models and, on the other hand, there is also strong pressure from international funding agencies towards elites are situated in relation to exogenous models. We conclude that although the "purchase" of institutional models for development, the effects of it proved to be problematic when the import is established as hegemonic - the only one possible. In the field of the environment, Serra Malagueta and Fogo parks testify the outgoing character of the institution.

Le publicisme comme une expression de sens politiques en compétition pour la définition légitime de l'État, a été présent dans le discours journalistique, des dépliants et parlementaire mobilisés par l'élite brésilienne engagée dans les luttes d'émancipation, dans l’action constitutive de 1823 et à l'octroi de la Charte de1824.Après l'indépendance et avec le processus de construction institutionnel de l'État, le publicisme acquiert aussi le visage de connaissance juridique : il est inventé l'interprétation constitutionnelle. Par des manuels, le discours politique a pu être formaté en doctrine juridique, pratique qui s’intensifie à partir de 1850. Dans cette thèse, on situe ce phénomène dans la problématique de la consolidation de l'État et du Régime Monarchique au Brésil. L’investissement de fractions de l'élite à l’interprétation constitutionnelle est analysé comme stratégie de soutenance à des conceptions du modèle politique par la voie «scientifique», étant le but central de la recherche de saisir les contours de l'espace qui a façonné cette pratique sous le régime impérial. Les contours socio-historiques du publicisme à la crise du système colonial sont traités au premier chapitre. De sa part, le deuxième aborde l’intensification des usages politiques du discours publiciste dans le scénario de l’Indépendance. Le troisième chapitre est dédié à l’analyse de l’invention de « l’interprétation constitutionnelle » à partir de la fondations de l’État National. Et, pour finir, au quatrième chapitre on problématise la stratégie d’investissement des manuels juridiques comme forme d’intervention politique au Second Règne. / O publicismo como expressão de sentidos políticos em concorrência pela definição legítima do Estado, esteve presente no discurso jornalístico, panfletário e parlamentar mobilizado pela elite brasileira engajada nas lutas emancipacionistas, na atuação constituinte de 1823 e na outorga da Carta de 1824. Após a Independência e com o processo de construção institucional do Estado, o publicismo adquire também a feição de conhecimento jurídico: é inventada a interpretação constitucional. Através de manuais, o discurso político pôde ser formatado como doutrina jurídica, prática que se intensifica a partir de 1850. Na presente tese, tal fenômeno se situa na problemática da consolidação do Estado e do Regime Monárquico no Brasil. O investimento de frações da elite em interpretação constitucional é analisado como estratégia de sustentação de concepções do modelo político pela via “científica”, sendo o objetivo central da pesquisa apreender os contornos do espaço que moldou essa prática durante o regime imperial. O Primeiro Capítulo trata dos contornos sócio-históricos do publicismo na crise do sistema colonial. No Segundo Capítulo, se aborda a intensificação dos usos políticos do discurso publicista no cenário da Independência. Na sequência, o Terceiro Capítulo analisa a invenção da “interpretação constitucional” a partir da fundação do Estado Nacional e no Quarto Capítulo, por fim, se problematiza a estratégia de investimento dos manuais jurídicos como forma de intervenção política no Segundo Reinado. / The publicism as an expression of political senses in competition for the legitim definition of State has been present on journalistic, pamphleteer and parliamentary discourse held by the Brazilian elite, which was engaged in fights for emancipation, in the constituent acting of 1823 and in the grant of the Letter of 1824. After Independence and having the process of institutional construction of State going through, the publicism aquires features of juridical knowledge: the constitutional interpretation is created. Through handbooks, the political discourse could be formatted as juridical doctrine, a practice deepened from 1850 on. On this dissertation, this phenomenon lies on the issue of consolidation of State and Monarchical Regime in Brazil. The investment by some fractions of elite in constitutional interpretation is analysed as a strategy to support conceptions of the political model through the scientific via. The main goal of this research is to understand the outlines of the space which molded this practice during the imperial regime. The first chapter approaches the socio-historical outlines of publicism during the colonial period crisis. The second chapter focus on the intensification of the political uses of publicist discourse on the set of the Independence. Next, the third chapter analyzes the invention fo the “constitutional interpretation” from the establishment of the National State. Finally, the fourth chapter reflects upon the strategy of investment of juridical handbooks as a manner of political intervention on the Second Reign.

Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-28T20:12:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-26 / CAPES / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a história política de Mato Grosso, da cultura política e suas práticas entre as elites mato-grossenses, com a transição do regime imperial para o regime republicano em 1889, estendendo-se até a ―Revolução‖ de 1892. A República trouxe alterações no interior das elites políticas e, no momento de inserção de um novo modelo de administração política, a reestruturação partidária era de fundamental importância para estas facções. O uso das técnicas e do capital simbólico disponível para que se organizasse e constituísse uma nova elite consiste no conjunto de práticas que serão atuantes no campo de representação de cada oligarquia. O estudo deste período compreende entender as causas e consequências que fizeram o regime imperial desmoronar, destacando entre essas causas: a Abolição da escravidão, a insatisfação do Exército e a criação do Partido Republicano em 1870, uma geração que ficou conhecida como a ―geração de 70‖ e que lutava principalmente por mudanças políticas, modernização econômica e a laicização do Estado. A historiografia regional destaca que, durante a Primeira República, uma das práticas muito utilizada foi a violência. Contudo, no período a que nos dedicamos no estudo das práticas políticas destas elites oligarcas, evidenciamos que as mais utilizadas foram às práticas da estratégia e do coronelismo. E que, utilizando destas práticas, se destaca duas famílias importantes no cenário político regional: Ponce e Murtinho. / This research has as object of study the political history of Mato Grosso, the political culture and its practices among elites from the state of Mato Grosso, with the transition from imperial regime to the republican regime in 1889, extending to the "Revolution" of 1892. The Republic brought changes within the political elite and in the moment of insertion for a new political administrative model, the party restructuring was of fundamental importance for these factions. The use of techniques and symbolic capital available to be organized and constituted the new elite are the set of practices that will be active in the representing field of each oligarchy. The study of this period comprises understand the causes and consequences that made the imperial regime collapse, highlighting among these causes: the Abolition of Slavery, the dissatisfaction of the army and the creation of the Republican Party in 1870, a generation that became known as the "generation of 70" and who fought primarily for political changes, economic modernization and the secularization of the state.. The regional historiography highlights that one of the practice was widely used during the First Republic was the violence, but in the period that we dedicated to the study of political practices of these oligarchical elites, we showed that the most frequently used were the practices of strategy and colonels. And that using of these practices, two important families are featured in the regional political scene: Ponce and Murtinho.

Non-combatants, even though they not participate directly in a conflict, are often targeted by armed groups. This study seeks to answer to the question why some areas are more affected by violence against civilians than others. Considering their importance in the contemporary world, electoral processes are used to explain the patterns of civilians’ victimization. This study focuses on irregular civil wars as the effects of elections on the distribution of violence against civilians in those wars is particularly understudied. Elections provide crucial information to armed groups about the preferences of the local population and therefore also the presence of potential collaborators or enemies. In addition, local political elites have incentives to favour or curb the violence against civilians, according to their electoral strength in a specific area. The thesis tests the implication with a quantitative study in the case of Colombia by analysing the long- and short-term effects of electoral results on the distribution of violence. Contrary to conventional civil wars, the findings suggest that civilians living in political strongholds in irregular civil wars, areas where a political party has strong support, are more likely to be targeted.

Focalizada nas políticas públicas ambientais em Cabo Verde, sobretudo na delimitação das áreas de conservação, esta tese busca discutir as agendas institucionais dos Estados pós-coloniais na África. Ao traçar este como seu objetivo, questiona também o papel das elites políticas na busca de referências para o desenvolvimento nacional de seus países. Assim, partindo de uma abordagem institucionalista, referenciada em M. Douglas e E. Ostrom, com um enfoque na análise dos discursos, das práticas e dos atores, foi privilegiada uma abordagem qualitativa com recurso a entrevistas estruturadas e focused interview. Delinearamse, nesses termos, as seguintes hipóteses: que os Estados pós-coloniais do Sul situam-se em matéria de políticas públicas ambientais como nos demais campos de desenvolvimento nacional – mimetizando os modelos institucionais dos países do Norte e/ou das suas ex-metrópoles; em consequência, ao assimilarem tais modelos, as entidades políticas nascentes e suas elites vêm provocando a extroversão; e a problemática de importação de modelos institucionais não é um fenômeno ex-nihilo: há sempre, por um lado, “conjunturas críticas” produtoras de “orfandades” que estimulam as referidas elites a se empenharem na procura de modelos exógenos e, por outro lado, existe também uma forte pressão por parte das agências internacionais financiadoras no sentido de as elites se situarem em relação aos modelos exógenos. Conclui-se que, não obstante a “compra” de modelos institucionais para o desenvolvimento, os efeitos decorrentes demonstraram ser problemáticos quando a importação é estabelecida como hegemônica – a única estratégia possível. No domínio do ambiente, os parques de Serra Malagueta e Fogo testemunham o caráter extrovertido da instituição. / Focused on environmental public policies in Cape Verde, especially in the delineation of conservation areas, this thesis discusses the institutional agendas of post-colonial states in Africa. In tracing this as its objective questions, too, the role of political elites in search of references to national development of their countries. Thus, starting from an institutional approach, referred in M. Douglas and E. Ostrom, with a focus on the analysis of discourses, practices and actors was privileged qualitative approach using structured interviews and focused interview. Was outlined in these terms, the following hypotheses: that the post-colonial states of the South are located in the field of environmental public policies as in other fields of national development - mimicking the institutional models of the North countries and / or its former metropolises, as a result, such models to assimilate the new entities and their nascent political elites have led extraversion, and that the issue of import of institutional models, is not a phenomenon ex-nihilo, there is always one hand "critical junctures" producing "orphaned" that stimulate these elites to engage in the search for exogenous models and, on the other hand, there is also strong pressure from international funding agencies towards elites are situated in relation to exogenous models. We conclude that although the "purchase" of institutional models for development, the effects of it proved to be problematic when the import is established as hegemonic - the only one possible. In the field of the environment, Serra Malagueta and Fogo parks testify the outgoing character of the institution.

Le publicisme comme une expression de sens politiques en compétition pour la définition légitime de l'État, a été présent dans le discours journalistique, des dépliants et parlementaire mobilisés par l'élite brésilienne engagée dans les luttes d'émancipation, dans l’action constitutive de 1823 et à l'octroi de la Charte de1824.Après l'indépendance et avec le processus de construction institutionnel de l'État, le publicisme acquiert aussi le visage de connaissance juridique : il est inventé l'interprétation constitutionnelle. Par des manuels, le discours politique a pu être formaté en doctrine juridique, pratique qui s’intensifie à partir de 1850. Dans cette thèse, on situe ce phénomène dans la problématique de la consolidation de l'État et du Régime Monarchique au Brésil. L’investissement de fractions de l'élite à l’interprétation constitutionnelle est analysé comme stratégie de soutenance à des conceptions du modèle politique par la voie «scientifique», étant le but central de la recherche de saisir les contours de l'espace qui a façonné cette pratique sous le régime impérial. Les contours socio-historiques du publicisme à la crise du système colonial sont traités au premier chapitre. De sa part, le deuxième aborde l’intensification des usages politiques du discours publiciste dans le scénario de l’Indépendance. Le troisième chapitre est dédié à l’analyse de l’invention de « l’interprétation constitutionnelle » à partir de la fondations de l’État National. Et, pour finir, au quatrième chapitre on problématise la stratégie d’investissement des manuels juridiques comme forme d’intervention politique au Second Règne. / O publicismo como expressão de sentidos políticos em concorrência pela definição legítima do Estado, esteve presente no discurso jornalístico, panfletário e parlamentar mobilizado pela elite brasileira engajada nas lutas emancipacionistas, na atuação constituinte de 1823 e na outorga da Carta de 1824. Após a Independência e com o processo de construção institucional do Estado, o publicismo adquire também a feição de conhecimento jurídico: é inventada a interpretação constitucional. Através de manuais, o discurso político pôde ser formatado como doutrina jurídica, prática que se intensifica a partir de 1850. Na presente tese, tal fenômeno se situa na problemática da consolidação do Estado e do Regime Monárquico no Brasil. O investimento de frações da elite em interpretação constitucional é analisado como estratégia de sustentação de concepções do modelo político pela via “científica”, sendo o objetivo central da pesquisa apreender os contornos do espaço que moldou essa prática durante o regime imperial. O Primeiro Capítulo trata dos contornos sócio-históricos do publicismo na crise do sistema colonial. No Segundo Capítulo, se aborda a intensificação dos usos políticos do discurso publicista no cenário da Independência. Na sequência, o Terceiro Capítulo analisa a invenção da “interpretação constitucional” a partir da fundação do Estado Nacional e no Quarto Capítulo, por fim, se problematiza a estratégia de investimento dos manuais jurídicos como forma de intervenção política no Segundo Reinado. / The publicism as an expression of political senses in competition for the legitim definition of State has been present on journalistic, pamphleteer and parliamentary discourse held by the Brazilian elite, which was engaged in fights for emancipation, in the constituent acting of 1823 and in the grant of the Letter of 1824. After Independence and having the process of institutional construction of State going through, the publicism aquires features of juridical knowledge: the constitutional interpretation is created. Through handbooks, the political discourse could be formatted as juridical doctrine, a practice deepened from 1850 on. On this dissertation, this phenomenon lies on the issue of consolidation of State and Monarchical Regime in Brazil. The investment by some fractions of elite in constitutional interpretation is analysed as a strategy to support conceptions of the political model through the scientific via. The main goal of this research is to understand the outlines of the space which molded this practice during the imperial regime. The first chapter approaches the socio-historical outlines of publicism during the colonial period crisis. The second chapter focus on the intensification of the political uses of publicist discourse on the set of the Independence. Next, the third chapter analyzes the invention fo the “constitutional interpretation” from the establishment of the National State. Finally, the fourth chapter reflects upon the strategy of investment of juridical handbooks as a manner of political intervention on the Second Reign.