Abstract New nationalist ideologies have permeated politics for the last decade. New leaders, followers, and conducive environments have emerged to cause the most controversial and unique episodes in recent politics. Brexit was selected by having a set of exclusive characteristics, factors, and social elements which resulted in the UK leaving the EU after 47 years. Additionally, two academic attributes were considered to be politically researched, which were leadership and communication techniques. The former established the relationship between two parts of society (leaders and followers) and how their roles developed during the Brexit referendum campaign, and the latter examined political language by extracting the most representative rhetorical means used by the British leaders to run it.   The set of rhetorical techniques was thoroughly investigated using a specially adopted analysis. Several examples were included in how they were performed politically and strategically to create that democratic result. To execute this study, we developed qualitative research based on a study case strategy, descriptive purpose, and by having an inductive approach. Consequently, we selected a sampling method which met specific research criteria and allowed us to analyse this political phenomenon rhetorically. Besides, our empirical data was formed by using interactive and visual material which provided a credible source of study to approach, identify, and answer our research questions. Finally, Brexit’s outcome was viewed as the end of an era in terms of faith in the benefits of globalisation, open labour markets, European integration (Norris and Inglehart, 2019), loss of identity from British individuals, and the reflection of a fractured society (Gherghina and O’Malley, 2019).

Submitted by Elias Pereira Lopes Júnior (eliasjunior08@gmail.com) on 2016-04-04T15:21:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Elias.pdf: 1767406 bytes, checksum: 8645b8014124512acb0a1a5019ab2f4d (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Elias, No inicio da sua primeira folha você deve colocar apenas : FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS ESCOLA DE ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE EMPRESAS DE SÃO PAULO - AGRADECIMENTO ;RESUMO e ABSTRACT, - as palavras devem estar de forma que seja em negrito, maiúscula e centralizado De resto esta tudo ok. Ao submeter na biblioteca digital, deve estar com a ficha catalográfica e em PDF. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição, Att, Pâmela Tonsa on 2016-04-04T16:29:06Z (GMT) / Submitted by Elias Pereira Lopes Júnior (eliasjunior08@gmail.com) on 2016-04-04T22:14:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Elias.pdf: 1766262 bytes, checksum: 122e715644d06eab112f903d7e6321ec (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Bom dia Elias, Para tudo dar certinho é necessário apenas dois ajustes. * Na segunda folha não tem FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS - ESCOLA..... * Seu titulo esta diferente da ATA, caso realmente exista essa alteração é preciso o professor orientador vir até a secretaria para fazer a alteração no verso da ATA com o titulo atual. Caso contrário não poderei aprovar. (" EFEITO DO AMBIENTE POLÍTICO SOBRE O INVESTIMENTO REALIZADO POR EMPRESAS ESTATAIS") Após os ajustes você deve submete-lo novamente para analise e aprovação. Att. Pamela Tonsa 3799-7852 on 2016-04-05T11:15:44Z (GMT) / Submitted by Elias Pereira Lopes Júnior (eliasjunior08@gmail.com) on 2016-04-05T13:11:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Elias.pdf: 1765100 bytes, checksum: 416f0cdce6ea758a50c0142c0d4763f5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-04-05T13:23:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Elias.pdf: 1765100 bytes, checksum: 416f0cdce6ea758a50c0142c0d4763f5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-05T13:28:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Elias.pdf: 1765100 bytes, checksum: 416f0cdce6ea758a50c0142c0d4763f5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-28 / This research analyzes the political influence on investments by state-owned enterprises or State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). Therefore, were compared the data of private companies with the SOEs. The argument used in this research is that the government uses its influence on SOEs to get support to make policy changes. Therefore, it is expected that the greater the potential conflict between Princpal-Principal, greater are the investments by SOEs (H1). The conflict between Princpal-Principal (PP) occurs when there is a conflict of interest between two categories of principal: controlling shareholders and minority shareholders. The second argument refers to the performance of companies. In this case, it is expected that performance is worse in SOEs in which the state is the majority shareholder (H2). In this study, were used data about companies that are listed in the stock market, including state-owned enterprises that have the government as its majority shareholder (with a share of over 50% in the share capital). The database used in this study was constructed from secondary data in which, after treatment, is made up of 96,379 observations of 41 countries companies between 2002 and 2011. This research makes use of a quasi-experiment using the technique difference in difference (difference-in-differences). The Quasi-experiment occurs when an exogenous event affects the explanatory variable. The results confirmed the hypothesis H1, but not confirmed the H2 hypothesis. After analyzing the results, this study suggests that politicians use their influence on the companies in which the government is the majority shareholder in order to obtain political / private gain. / Esta pesquisa aborda a influência política sobre os investimentos feitos por empresas estatais ou State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). Para tanto, comparou-se os dados de empresas privadas com os de SOEs. O argumento empregado nessa pesquisa é que o governo utiliza sua influência sobre as SOEs para conseguir suporte para realizar mudanças nas políticas. Portanto, espera-se que quanto maior for o potencial conflito entre Principal-Principal, maiores serão os investimentos realizados pelas SOEs (H1). O conflito entre Principal-Principal (PP) ocorre quando existe o conflito de interesses entre duas categorias de principal: acionistas controladores e acionistas minoritários. O segundo argumento refere-se ao desempenho das companhias. Nesse caso, espera-se que o desempenho seja pior nas SOEs em que o estado seja o acionista majoritário (H2). Nesse estudo, foram abordadas companhias que estão listadas no mercado de ações, inclusive empresas estatais que têm o governo como seu acionista majoritário (com participação de mais de 50% no capital acionário). A base de dados utilizada neste estudo foi construída a partir de dados secundários na qual, após tratamento, é composta de 96.379 observações de empresas de 41 países entre os anos de 2002 e 2011. Esta pesquisa faz uso de um quase-experimento utilizando a técnica de diferença em diferença (Difference-in-Differences). O Quase-experimento ocorre quando um evento exógeno afeta a variável explicativa. Os resultados confirmaram a hipótese H1, porém não confirmaram a hipótese H2. Diante da análise dos resultados, este estudo sugere que os políticos usam a sua influência sobre as empresas em que o governo é o acionista majoritário com objetivo de obter ganhos políticos/privados.

Cette thèse porte sur l'implantation missionnaire en République démocratique du Congo sous l'administration coloniale belge vers la fin du XIXe siècle. Nous voulons comprendre le phénomène observé de la dépendance financière de cette Église, en situant ses différentes causes ou facteurs exogènes et endogènes notamment son ancrage dans la politique coloniale. Dès le début, elle a bénéficié des subventions de l’État et d'autres avantages importants, dont de vastes étendues de terres. Depuis sa prise en main par la hiérarchie autochtone, période correspondant à la décolonisation, cette Église n'arrive pas à se prendre en charge, obligée de se tourner constamment vers l'extérieur (tes organismes occidentaux de financement) pour assurer ses différents besoins. Or cette politique d'extraversion financière ne rassure plus, vu le contexte socioculturel occidental actuel (diminution des pratiques religieuses, crises financières mondiales, ...). En définitive, il faut à cette Église congolaise longtemps habituée à l'assistance de repenser une nouvelle logique d'action lui permettant de trouver d'autres possibilités pour assurer son autofinancement en vue de sa survie. L'objectif de ce travail est de montrer que des potentialités existent qu'elle peut exploiter: la mobilisation et la gestion rationnelle des ressources humaines et économiques disponibles, la rentabilisation des structures de productions héritées des missionnaires, mais en comptant sur un environnement sociopolitique et économique national favorable et un changement des mentalités des acteurs en présence. / This thesis focuses the missionary presence in the Democratic Republic of Congo under the Belgian rule towards the end of the Sixth Century. We seek to understand bow this Church came to be financially dependent by looking at the different causes or exogenous and endogenous as well as the roots of this phenomenon within the context of the colonial policy. From the beginning, it has received State subsidies and enjoyed other significant advantages including large tracts of land. Ever since the native hierarchy has taken over, i.e. as from the decolonization, this Church has been unable to support itself and has been obliged constantly seek external aid from western financial bodies in order to meet its needs. But in the light of the current western sociocultural context (decline of religious practices, financial crises worldwide ... ) such a financial extraversion is no longer comforting. Ali things considered, long accustomed as it was to be assisted, this Congolese Church now needs to develop a new course of action through which it will be able to find other means of self-support for its survival. The objective of this work is to show that there is potential at band, namely the mobilization and the rational management of the human and economic resources available, the cost-effectiveness of the production facilities inherited from the missionaries, but resting on a favourable national sociopolitical and economic environment and a change in the attitude of the parties involved.

How authors and scholars have approached leadership studies – in terms of their thinking, defining and studying – has changed remarkably over time. According to literature, this is predominantly due to greater optimism about the field and greater methodological diversity being employed to better understand complex, embedded phenomena. As a result, there has been a significant rise in the use of qualitative research approaches to the study of leadership. Numerous definitions, classifications, explanations and theories about leadership, exist in the contemporary literature. However, despite the vast array of literature, the challenge of failing leadership persists. Challenges, such as the speed of technological advancements, social, and economic change are ever-present, while the impact of COVID-19 is, as yet, uncertain. Despite these challenges, can companies compete successfully in the marketplaces they operate in while also remaining ethical and engaged with the challenges of the broader business and social environment? To answer this question, this study has undertaken qualitative research on the bouquet of trait, situational and value-based leadership theory, in order to re-assess both established and developing theories. The predominant aim is to describe, explain and analyse available literature in an attempt to ascertain academic guidance on how it might be possible to enable leaders and society to mitigate leadership challenges by proposing a conceptual framework that could support leadership theory and, in so doing, take an academic stance in providing better answers or guidance to the failures currently being experienced. Several authors have noted that leadership makes a difference with resulting impacts on many which implies that to make the world a better place, leadership has two contradictory elements; good and bad. These elements are reflected in today’s connected world where the media, either showers praise on leaders or writes articles deriding their incompetence and abuse of their roles at all levels The proposed conceptual framework of this study endeavours to enable society and leaders, practically and at an individual level, to evaluate leadership issues and link leadership frameworks to their everyday lives and, in so doing, aid in mitigating the challenges being faced. / Business Management / D.B.L.

Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international. / In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism.

This diploma thesis examines changes, which the Czech-German Future Fund went through during its almost 20 years of functioning. The first part the author dedicated to theoretical concepts, which shed light on study of the Czech-German Future Fund. These theoretical concepts are reconciliation and public diplomacy. Thereafter are in tis thesis described efforts to compensate victims of National Socialism in Czechoslovakia and in the Czech Republic. This part of thesis is followed by description of the Czech-German Future Fund and its history. Based on this German-Czech Declaration of Mutual Relations and their Future Development of 1997 was the fund's mission to compensate victims of National Socialism, who didn't receive a compensation until then. The fund fulfilled this mission after 10 years of its function and also went through by many changes during almost 10 years of its functioning. The author describes these changes on which is based description of the project policy development of Czech-German Future Fund. After that the diploma thesis concentrates on changes in individual fund project groups, which are supported by the fund. These changes have an impact on financial character of individual project groups, on change of their structure or on change of the place, where are individual...