This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-05T19:22:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-06T11:48:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-06T11:48:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-06 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / This work aims at, from a comparative perspective, testing the hypothesis that the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, when collated with the 1946 constitutional text, shows an increased influence of the president of the republic over the legislative process. So this question guides the work: to what extent the 1988 Constitution unbalanced in favor of the chief executive, the handling of the legislative process and the corresponding production of existing legislation? We also use the comparative method to identify traces of continuity and rupture in the established relationship between the Executive and Legislative powers from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 to 2010. To accomplish this, first, the concept of political influence, from the work of Robert Dahl, and its relevance to political systems analysis, will be explored. After that, institutional recourses that allow the Chief Executive to influence the parliament members, present in the Brazilian constitutional history, will be listed, emphasizing the observation of the initiative powers and the prerogative of producing a law like normative act without the participation of the Legislative Power. Furthermore, the work observes the real influence of the president of republic, moment where data concerning the volume of legislative propositions and the duration processing of law projects from each one of the mentioned powers will be presented. At last, this thesis analyses the possible effects of the presence of an agent endowed with an expressive influence deriving from the asymmetric distribution of political resources provoked by an institutional plan. / O presente trabalho busca examinar o impacto da Constituição brasileira de 1988 na dinâmica existente entre a Câmara dos Deputados e o chefe do Executivo, comparando-a com a estabelecida sob a vigência da Constituição de 1946, buscando testar a hipótese de que o atual texto constitucional aumentou a influência do presidente da República sobre a Câmara dos Deputados no processo legislativo. Assim, a seguinte questão é explorada: em que medida a Constituição de 1988 desequilibrou, a favor do chefe do Executivo, a condução do processo legislativo e a correspondente produção da legislação vigente? Para tanto, utiliza-se o método comparado para identificar traços de continuidade e ruptura na relação estabelecida entre os mencionados poderes no período de 1946 a 1964 e 1988 a 2010. São examinados os poderes legislativos atribuídos ao chefe do Executivo pelos últimos quatro textos constitucionais (1937, 1946, 1967 e 1988), com ênfase na descrição dos poderes de iniciativa e de decreto. Em seguida, disserta-se sobre a estrutura interna da Câmara dos Deputados e como esta contribui para a centralização dos processos decisórios. Além disso, realiza-se uma análise baseada em instrumentos de estatística descritiva com o objetivo de viabilizar inferências sobre a influência do presidente da República no processo destinado à produção de leis nestes dois momentos da história democrática brasileira. Por fim, apresenta-se uma reflexão sobre os possíveis efeitos da presença de um agente dotado de uma expressiva influência decorrente da distribuição assimétrica de recursos políticos provocados por um plano institucional.

Submitted by Guilherme Scotto Sassi (sassi.guilherme@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-06T15:02:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_de_dissertação_Guilherme_Sassi.docx: 298615 bytes, checksum: a45422de56487eef92103c248862e385 (MD5) / Rejected by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br), reason: Prezado Guilherme, Arquivo em PDF e ano da apresentação 2013 e não 2012. Att. Suzi 3799-7876 on 2013-03-06T15:25:30Z (GMT) / Submitted by Guilherme Scotto Sassi (sassi.guilherme@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-06T15:29:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_de_dissertação_Guilherme_Sassi.pdf: 759311 bytes, checksum: 9605a3c55746dc8f6262b47b5b6b1dde (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2013-03-06T18:15:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_de_dissertação_Guilherme_Sassi.pdf: 759311 bytes, checksum: 9605a3c55746dc8f6262b47b5b6b1dde (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-06T18:20:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_de_dissertação_Guilherme_Sassi.pdf: 759311 bytes, checksum: 9605a3c55746dc8f6262b47b5b6b1dde (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-04 / Economists have argued that regulation is the appropriate approach to maintain output in its economically efficient level in a natural monopoly, and that can be achieved by submitting these companies to regulatory agencies’ decisions. The autonomous agencies are, however, not free in an absolute sense, and it is important to ask what the priorities of the new administration are. One answer is that it is designed to give leeway and powers of discretion to unbiased professionals with expertise in their field. In practice, however, professional experts might often be politically motivated. The objective of this study is to investigate whether political nominations to the presidency of regulatory agencies, rather than technical appointments, affect the level of regulatory risk. In order to achieve this purpose, an event study was performed, where the regulatory risk in a political nomination will be compared to a technical nomination, in terms of abnormal return.

Abstract  Background: Emerging economies, with all their positives and negatives, needs different actors to come together and play their part in order to achieve the economic growth. The concept of growth is inseparably linked to public and private sector, where a MC is formed with a distinctive fusion of private and political actors. However, the governance strategies for MCs in EE are quite different to governance mechanisms in developed economies, including the digital governance. Having said that, every digital implementation process, in the end, will be effected, not only by the political actors but also by the individual managers, CEO and boards, that are part of the governance mechanism. Purpose:      The purpose of this paper is to explore how governance mechanisms are shaped by different factors in a MC of EE, which eventually either impede of enable the process of implementation of digital strategies. Method: To get in-depth understanding of the research phenomenon, an exploratory design, qualitative study was carried out. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather empirical data, which included 3 directors and 3 board members from two different MCs of Pakistan. The respondents were chosen through non-probability sampling method. An abductive research approach facilitated in determining a deeper understanding between gathered empirical insights and  available literature on governance mechanisms of MC. Conclusion:  As a result, some internal and external factors were identified that shaped the governance mechanism of a MC. The internal factor included, political affiliations, accountability and digital awareness of individuals. While external factors included political interference, corruption, and digital readiness of public to adapt to digital strategies. More the disablers in the process, poorer the digital strategy implementation process which resulted in poorer and fewer digital services provided to the public of that MC.

This study investigates resistance against female local government politicians in Sri Lanka during their first year and a half as members of local government councils, as a result of the 25 % gender quota introduced in 2018. Further, the study investigates these newly elected female politicians’ perceived ability to influence local government politics; experienced substantive representation. Through a minor field study, in-depth interviews were conducted to examine forms of resistance and perceived political influence of these newly appointed women. Several types of resistance were found and divided into three categories; Patronizing Behavior from Male Politicians; the Dispute Between Elected and Appointed Women; Public Distrust. Some evidence of the mandate effect and the label effect were detected, further hampering substantive representation. The study concludes that despite a significant increase in descriptive representation, substantive representation was not necessarily experienced by the interview subjects. Further studies are encouraged to deepen the understanding of the resistance towards appointed female politicians in Sri Lanka, and moreover the problematic effects of the implementation of gender quotas in highly unequal states.

Public sector organizations have practiced strategic management for more than 30 years. Strategic management in the public sector is subjected to political influence, as resources and major decisions are typically managed by elected and appointed officials. The purpose of this descriptive phenomenological study was to identify and report the lived experiences of public sector employees who have been subjected to political influence while engaged in the strategic management of their organizations in the State of Maryland. The study's conceptual framework was based on stakeholder theory and economic theory of the firm. A purposeful sample of 15 Maryland State Government employees shared their experiences through semi structured in-person interviews. Data were collected and transcribed using the Rev.com mobile application and was loaded into Dedoose software for analysis. Giorgi's descriptive phenomenological method was employed for data analysis. The findings revealed the lived experiences of the participants with results in 5 thematic areas: leadership tenue, managing for results, strategic management resources, influence, and political skills. The findings further revealed that legislation that required strategic planning and performance management in Maryland's government has influenced its public sector employees to think strategically. Application of the findings of this study through positive political influences may align careerist actions as they prepare for the future needs of their organizations.

<p>This study investigates how different kinds of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), operating in different national political contexts, perceive and use the Internet as a political space. The political space concept, as defined here, encompasses two dimensions of Internet use: one external, where organisations use the Internet for online activism and campaigning, and one internal, signifying organisational use of the Internet to promote engagement and interactivity with members and/or supporters. Another question raised is whether Internet use for political purposes by NGOs varies between different national political contexts. Moreover, do the organisations believe that the Internet has affected their political influence to any extent? The empirical data consist of the results of two surveys, one directed primarily to American NGOs, the other explicitly comparative, analysing NGOs in Sweden and the USA. Furthermore, content analyses of NGO websites have been conducted and additive indexes constructed. The findings of the study suggest that, overall, the Internet is most important to the studied organisations as a space for external political initiatives. There were, however, important differences in this regard, which could be related to the organisations’ national political contexts. For example, the American NGOs have oriented their websites primarily towards relatively superficial forms of member involvement, while the Swedish NGOs provided more interactive grassroots features on their websites. Regarding political influence, the Internet arguably has the potential to make the most dramatic difference by reinforcing the organisations’ offline political activities. The present results indicate that, despite the possible converging effect of the Internet on NGO political activism, national political culture exerts an inescapable influence on how the Internet is used as a political space by the studied organisations.</p>

This study investigates how different kinds of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), operating in different national political contexts, perceive and use the Internet as a political space. The political space concept, as defined here, encompasses two dimensions of Internet use: one external, where organisations use the Internet for online activism and campaigning, and one internal, signifying organisational use of the Internet to promote engagement and interactivity with members and/or supporters. Another question raised is whether Internet use for political purposes by NGOs varies between different national political contexts. Moreover, do the organisations believe that the Internet has affected their political influence to any extent? The empirical data consist of the results of two surveys, one directed primarily to American NGOs, the other explicitly comparative, analysing NGOs in Sweden and the USA. Furthermore, content analyses of NGO websites have been conducted and additive indexes constructed. The findings of the study suggest that, overall, the Internet is most important to the studied organisations as a space for external political initiatives. There were, however, important differences in this regard, which could be related to the organisations’ national political contexts. For example, the American NGOs have oriented their websites primarily towards relatively superficial forms of member involvement, while the Swedish NGOs provided more interactive grassroots features on their websites. Regarding political influence, the Internet arguably has the potential to make the most dramatic difference by reinforcing the organisations’ offline political activities. The present results indicate that, despite the possible converging effect of the Internet on NGO political activism, national political culture exerts an inescapable influence on how the Internet is used as a political space by the studied organisations.

The Masterˈs thesis deals with an answer of public service media and a way of their representation in selected newspapers and news websites. Due to the importance of public service media as a guarantee of the balanced and neutral news and because of their specifics to commercial media, this thesis focuses on the way the other media write about them, on the example of the last elections of directors of public service media. The first part explains the specifics of public service media, their progression, the actual position and problems. Further it concerns concrete, czech public service media and there searched phenomenon, i. e. the election of director of public service media too. The second part is my own research. I researched the way of representation of the election of director of Czech Radio in the year 2016 and the elections of directors of Czech Television and Czech News Agency in the year 2017 in the journals Hospodářské noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo and on the news websites IHNED.cz, iDNES.cz and Novinky.cz. The method of research was qualitative content analysis due to keep an open access to the found informations. I didnˈt want to limit the possible survey by previously defined categories, but I let them resulted from the analysis. The process of election was described very factual...

This dissertation describes and analyzes the perceived performance of Sino-foreign joint ventures. The dissertation is based on an in-depth qualitative longitudinal real time case study of the joint venture known as Jinan Hua Wo Truck Corporation (Hua Wo), between Volvo Trucks and China National Heavy Duty Truck Group Co. Ltd. in China. The purpose of the dissertation is to contribute to the understanding of Sino-foreign perceived performance by suggesting an elaborated model, which captures situated and dynamic features. Perceived performance is defined as the joint venture executives’ assessment of strategic goal achievement and overall satisfaction. Findings from the study of the Hua Wo joint venture indicate that what determines perceived performance is the outcome of activities initiated in order to achieve or to facilitate goals. The dissertation presents an analytical model of Sino-foreign joint venture perceived performance which comprises the four concepts: goals, stakeholder relations, political influence and control. The conclusion of the dissertation is that in order to understand what decides perceived performance, it is necessary to assess system size, in other words, the number of stakeholders able to influence goal achievement, and also the intended duration of the activities. It is proposed that the configuration of the suggested model of perceived performance will be dependent upon these two dimensions. For activities taking place in a restricted system over a restricted time period, perceived performance depends primarily on the goals of the activity. The perceived performance of activities of a restricted system carried out over an extended period of time is more influenced by control. On the other hand activities carried out in an extended system over a restricted period of time are mainly determined by stakeholder relations for perceived performance, whereas activities which take place in an extended system for an extended time period are vulnerable to political influence. / Den här avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar uppfattat utfall i Sino-utländska samriskföretag. Avhandlingen är baserad på en longitudinell kvalitativ realtidsstudie av samriskföretaget Jinan Hua Wo Truck Corporation (i dagligt tal benämnt Hua Wo) vilket ägs av Volvo Lastvagnar och China National Heavy Duty Truck Group Co. Ltd. Avhandlingens syfte är att bidra till förståelsen av uppfattat utfall i Sino-utländska samriskföretag, genom att utveckla en modell vilken tar hänsyn till situationsbaserade och dynamiska karaktäristika. Med uppfattat utfall menas i avhandlingen samriskföretagets intressenters bedömning av strategisk måluppfyllelse och generell tillfredställelse med samriskföretaget. Resultaten från fallstudien av Hua Wo indikerar att det är utfallet av aktiviteter som initierats för att uppnå mål eller möjliggöra måluppfyllelse som avgör det uppfattade utfallet. Avhandlingen presenterar vidare en modell för att analysera uppfattat utfall i Sino-utländska samriskföretag vilken kombinerar de fyra koncepten mål, intressentrelationer, politiskt inflytande och kontroll. Slutsatsen i avhandlingen är att för att förstå vad som avgör uppfattat utfall i Sino-utländska samriskföretag så bör systemstorleken (antalet intressenter som kan påverka ett samriskföretags måluppfyllelse) och tidsramen utvärderas. Vidare argumenterar avhandlingen för att det är systemstorleken och tidsramen som avgör konfigurationen av analysmodellen för uppfattat utfall. Vad gäller de aktiviteter som genomförs i ett system med få intressenter under en kort tid, så är målen i sig viktigast, medan kontroll är viktigare för aktiviteter som sker i ett system med få intressenter under en längre tid. Aktiviteter som genomförs i ett system med många intressenter under kort tid blir beroende av intressentrelationerna, medan aktiviteter som sker i ett system med många intressenter över en lång tidsperiod istället blir sårbara för politisk intervention.