Thesis (M.A.)--Jāmiʻat ʻAyn Shams.

The Slovak political party system was shaken by new political parties, that emerged just recently and strongly influenced the political scene. The aim of the paper was to find out, what was the key of success of the the new political parties, which made it to the parliament in the parliamentary elections in June 2010 and in march 2012. In order to reach this goal I research the circumstances which lead to the establishment of these parties, their election program, the governmental period, the campaign and the role of the party leader. The paper is divided into four chapters, out of which the chapter one is dedicated to the teoretical background and definitions, the second chapter is putting light on the Slovak party and election system, the chapter three and four are the analytical core of the paper, in which I analyze the the political parties SaS, Most-Híd and OĽaNO in the above mentioned areas. I conclude the analytical part by the anlysis of the election results do the Slovak parliament in year 2010 and the preliminary election in the year 2012.

<p> </p><p>Det talas idag om ett minskat stöd och identifikation till politiska partier. Forskning visar att unga människor spenderar mer tid och är mer benägna än äldre att använda Internet för att skaffa politisk information. I en enkätundersökning med 125 deltagare i fyra åldersgrupper undersöktes om unga i större utsträckning än äldre identifierar sig med icke-parlamentariska rörelser som för fram sina budskap på Internet. Hos deltagarna mättes graden av parlamentarisk och icke-parlamentarisk identifikation som funktion av ålder och Internettid. Unga hade en signifikant högre Internettid än äldre. Dock påvisades inga andra signifikanta skillnader mellan åldersgrupperna avseende identifikation. Området kring Internetmediet och dess effekt på politisk identifikation förefaller vara relativt begränsad, varför det skulle vara intressant att utveckla denna forskning i Sverige</p>

This dissertation aims to investigate the bases of partisan differentiation and degree of polarization since Taiwan's 2000 presidential election. By employing American concepts and theories of partisan polarization, I analyze Taiwan's party politics at both the elite and mass levels. At the elite level, I examine whether inter‐party antagonism has become more intense in Taiwan's legislature and what types of issues contribute most to party conflict since 2000. At the mass level, I examine public perceptions of the parties, analyze whether any political issues divide the Taiwanese public along partisan lines, and explore the social and demographic bases of partisan divisions. The findings suggest that political elites became polarized along partisan lines after 2000, as observed in roll‐call voting behavior in the Legislative Yuan. This resulted from the formation of a divided government and the confrontation of two party coalitions after the 2000 presidential election. Furthermore, this polarization is mainly due to the opposite positions of the two party coalitions on the issue of the relationship with China. The pan‐blue party coalition favors reunification and closer interaction with China, whereas its counterpart, the pan‐green party coalition, favors Taiwanese independence and limited interaction with China. The issues of social reform vs. stability, social welfare vs. lower taxes, and environmental protection vs. economic development are less polarizing and less consistently divisive than the issue of Taiwan's relations with China. Partisan polarization is less evident among ordinary citizens than among political elites. The only issue dividing Taiwanese significantly is the China relationship issue (independence or unification with China). In addition, demographic factors may lead to partisan division among citizens. Nevertheless, this polarization is more moderate than that of political elites because the number of partisan independents is high and has not decreased significantly. In short, partisan polarization in Taiwan is not as intense as some political scientists claim. Taiwan's partisan polarization at the mass level is closer to the concept of "sorting", referring to the process of people gradually affiliating with the party that best reflects their policy preferences, even if those preferences are more moderate than extreme.

Can institutions successfully reduce ethnic conflict? Institutions such as autonomy and federalism are often advocated as a means to prevent ethnic conflict, however empirical evidence is largely mixed with regards to their effectiveness. In a similar manner, political parties have begun to receive more scholarly attention in determining their relationship with ethnic conflict, but their evidence is also mixed. In this research I examine autonomy, federalism, and the banning of political parties within ongoing ethnic group self-determination movements. While I do not find evidence for a relationship between autonomy and conflict, I do find that federalism increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict. Additionally, the banning of ethnic political parties indicates a strong increase the likelihood of ethnic conflict, while the banning of regional political parties significantly reduces the likelihood of ethnic conflict.

The diploma thesis is focused on the marketing communication of selected political parties and movements, which participated in the election to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2017. The thesis provides a comprehensive approach to the use of marketing communication tools of political parties and movements during election campaigns. The thesis contains a definition of marketing itself on a general level to classify marketing communication within the field and to understand the context. Subsequently it is focused on marketing communication tools, which voters had chance to see and through which the parties tried to get voters to their sides. The important aspect of composing communication tools of the election campaign is the financing, as political parties and movements have to respect legal restrictions on the political parties funding and election campaigns. These restrictions were firstly applied in the election to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2017. The thesis describes basic limits as well as the administrative office exercising the supervision in this area. Subsequently this thesis provides summary of all marketing communication tools along with the evaluation of strengths and weaknesses of each political party or movement....

Det talas idag om ett minskat stöd och identifikation till politiska partier. Forskning visar att unga människor spenderar mer tid och är mer benägna än äldre att använda Internet för att skaffa politisk information. I en enkätundersökning med 125 deltagare i fyra åldersgrupper undersöktes om unga i större utsträckning än äldre identifierar sig med icke-parlamentariska rörelser som för fram sina budskap på Internet. Hos deltagarna mättes graden av parlamentarisk och icke-parlamentarisk identifikation som funktion av ålder och Internettid. Unga hade en signifikant högre Internettid än äldre. Dock påvisades inga andra signifikanta skillnader mellan åldersgrupperna avseende identifikation. Området kring Internetmediet och dess effekt på politisk identifikation förefaller vara relativt begränsad, varför det skulle vara intressant att utveckla denna forskning i Sverige

Before political party politics was not formed in Taiwan, local factions completely took control of political resources and the directions of political situations. So political factions usually dominated political parties and were the mainstay power that dominated Taiwan politics. In Kaohsiung County, local factions are severely competitive, have their own political territories, and have grabbed political resources. So local political factions are the predominant influencing force in elections for political positions. This study used document method and field research method to explore the origins, development and operating models of local factions and how the local factions of political parties have strengthened or weakened in the wake of the rising to power of Democratic Progressive Party. The study has found out that the Black Faction has remained the largest one despite the shift of national ruling power, followed by the White Faction, the Red Faction, the Yellow Faction, and the Green Faction in order of strength. The votes that the Black, the White, the Red, the Yellow, and the Green faction can control are as follows: about 200,000 to 250,000, about 150,000 to 200,000, about 70,000 to 100,000, about 30,000 to 50,000, and about 30,000 to 40,000 respectively. On May 14, 2005, Taiwan people elected their mission-specified National Assembly representatives, and the turnouts of election verified the conclusions of this research. The Black Faction remained the largest on, grabbing 57.46% of the vote, leading the Red, the White Faction by a margin of 18.65%; the Red and the White Factions scored 38.81%. On June 7, 2005, the mission-specified National Assembly representatives ratified the Constitution Revision act passed in the Legislature. According to the Constitution Revision act, the number of legislators will be reduced by 50% from the 7th Legislature Assembly and their term will be extended to four years. At the same time, a system of one constituency, two votes will be instituted. This constitutional reform will definitely redefine the territories of local political factions. How Taiwan political situations will develop, the directions of political parties, and how local political factions will grow or recede deserve further observation. Key words¡GKaohsiung County¡Bpolitical party politics¡Blocal factions¡Bpolitical factions.

Thesis (Ph.D)--Universität Stuttgart, 2002. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 17, 2003).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Université de Paris I, 1971. / Typescript. Includes indexes. At head of t.p.: Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques. Cycle Supérieur d'Études Politiques. Bibliography: p. 565-589.