À rebours des lectures fonctionnalistes et du rôle de « façade démocratique » souvent prêté aux partis d’opposition en contexte autoritaire, cette thèse étudie les logiques endogènes et exogènes des processus d’institutionnalisation de la contestation en Algérie. À partir d’une enquête menée entre 2009 et 2013 auprès de militants et dirigeants du FFS à Alger, Béjaïa et Tizi-Ouzou, ce travail éclaire à la fois les luttes et les conflits qui fragilisent l’organisation et les processus de (re)production du lien partisan qui favorisent sa perpétuation. Fondé au lendemain de l’indépendance de l’Algérie et communément qualifié de « plus vieux parti d’opposition », le Front des forces socialistes (FFS) se maintient depuis plus de cinquante ans. Contraint d’opérer dans la clandestinité sous le régime de parti unique (1962-1989), ce parti a été légalisé après l’adoption du pluralisme partisan en 1989. Depuis lors, il participe – bien que de manière variable – à la compétition politique. En explorant les pratiques partisanes oppositionnelles au concret avec une approche relationnelle, la thèse analyse comment la trajectoire du FFS s’inscrit à la fois dans l’espace protestataire et dans l’espace politique institutionnel. Elle questionne les tensions et les mises à l’épreuve que génère cette double inscription et montre ainsi comment une organisation partisane se perpétue en restant dans l’opposition dans des configurations de pouvoir ne permettant pas l’alternance / Established in the aftermath of Algeria's independence and commonly referred to as the "oldest opposition party", the Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS) has existed for more than fifty years. Forced to operate clandestinely throughout the single-party regime (1962-1989), this party was legalized after the adoption of party pluralism in 1989. Since then, it has participated - albeit in variable ways - to the political competition. How does a party perpetuates itself by remaining in the opposition within power configurations that prevent political change? Contrarily to functionalist approaches and the role of "democratic façade" often attributed to opposition parties in authoritarian contexts, this dissertation examines the endogenous and exogenous logics of protest institutionalization. By exploring partisan opposition practices with a relational approach, this work analyzes how the FFS trajectory incorporates the protest space as well as the institutional political space. It questions the tensions and the challenges generated by this double inscription. Based on fieldwork carried out between 2009 and 2013 with FFS activists and leaders in Algiers, Béjaïa and Tizi-Ouzou, the dissertation sheds light on both the struggles and conflicts that weaken the organization and processes of (re)production of the partisan link that favour its perpetuation

The main objective of this study is to question the potential of architecture as a representational medium of ideology. In order to exemplify this overlapping relationship between ideology and architecture, this study focuses on the headquarters erected by major parties of Turkey since the 1980&rsquo / s. Having a significant position within society and particularly being a part of political system, parties obviously define ideological formations in order to preserve their existence and also strengthen their position within society and the material existence of architecture is manipulated by the parties as an important tool for representation. Thus these headquarters, which are certainly virile tools in the process of aesthetization of ideology, constitute a model to comprehend this relation of architecture and power. All buildings concerned are erected after 1980 which marks another objective of this study. The ongoing period after 1980 under the influence of Neoliberalism offers substantial changes in political, social and economic domains in worldwide scale. Obviously, political agents in Turkey were also forced to experience such significant changes and redefined their ideological formations. Thus, these buildings can be considered as the concrete example of how architecture responded the newly emerging need refined due the neoliberal changes. Departing from that, the aim of this thesis can be defined as to discuss the role of the work of architecture in the representation of ideology, but also to question to what extend the alterations in this potential of representation has initiated by the changes brought by Neoliberalism. Lastly, the study will discuss the results of these changes within the sphere of ideology of architecture in order to map the transformation occurred within. This study will finally question what kind of transformations within the sphere of ideology of architecture has been triggered by the above mentioned changes.

National security policies are defined as ¡§Those effective procedures or actions taken by the government to guard the nation whenever the nation encounters the crises endangering national security¡¨. After the end of the curfew in 1987, the authoritarian form of government turned into a democratic one. In the transformation process from 1988 to 2008, the ¡§silent revolution¡¨ had been achieved through the peaceful exchange of the ruling parties, which had increased the democratic development of Taiwan and renewed each social status. Nevertheless, diversified opinions and disagreements resulted from such a successful revolution. The transition of political party in 2000 is a turning point. Different ruling parties hold different claims and implement different national policies. Moreover, the nation security was influenced by three crucial issues¡Ftherefore, the formulation and implementation of national security policies are worthy of deeper exploration. This research structure followed the politic systematical theory and investigated our national security policies to achieve the following two purposes¡G (a) the investigation of the crucial period after the end of curfew, the formulation of the national security policies under the politic systematical theory and different ruling concepts by different ruling parties, and (b) the analysis and comparison of the national secure policies, in terms of the politic systematical theory, between different ruling parties¡¦ viewpoints in the operation of the democratic system.

My dissertation focuses on the effect of several variables on two key forms of political participation -- voting and candidacy. First, I examine how voter turnout is impacted by differences in the intensity of political beliefs across the electorate and the resulting impact on candidate issue choice. Next, I examine the role of term limits and political party recruitment policies in determining the quality of the political class. Finally, I examine the impact of term limits at the lower rungs of the political ladder on the quality of individuals seeking higher office. In Chapter 2, I present a modified version of Downs’ spatial model to analyze the effect on candidates’ policy choices when there is a positive relationship between political extremism and conviction. I assume that alienation and lack of conviction affect voter turnout negatively. I find that the positive relationship between political extremism and conviction leads candidates away from the center and describe the conditions under which segments of the electorate will abstain in equilibrium. Incorporating candidate asymmetry through differences in valence and campaign finances resulted in the strategy of the disadvantaged candidate being unrestricted. Meanwhile, the advantaged candidate can afford to be more centrist or extremist than his opponent in order to win the election. In Chapter 3, I present a multi-period model analyzing the impact of political party recruitment and retention policies and the implementation of term limits on the quality of individuals seeking a career in politics. Candidates differ in political skill and their political skill directly affects the provision of a public good. Term limits lead to a restructuring of the timing of rewards for political careers. I find that term limits increase the probability of entry of those of lesser quality. Under certain conditions, term limits reduce the expected ability of those entering the political arena, as those of higher ability are more adversely affected by the restructuring of rewards. In Chapter 4, I explore the extent to which term limits alter the average quality of office-seekers for higher-level political positions. In addition, I determine whether improvement in quality in upper level political positions comes at the expense of lower level positions. The results suggest that term limits on lower level elected offices reduce the expected political skill of officeholders at this level. Under limited circumstances, term limits will also reduce the expected political skill of those seeking upper level political positions. Under most conditions, term limitation at lower level offices lead to an improvement in the quality of elected officials in upper level offices. / text

Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe yra nagrinėjami politinių partijų finansavimo šaltiniai. Nepaisant atrodytų griežto reglamentavimo, politinių partijų finansavimas yra vienas iš „opiausių“ konstitucinės teisės institutų. Politinės partijos neretai bando apeiti įstatymuose nustatytą finansavimo tvarką ar gauti piniginių lėšų iš įstatymuose nereglamentuotų šaltinių. Politinės partijos yra viena iš svarbiausių demokratinės valstybės prielaidų. Todėl labai svarbu, kad jos būtų skaidriai finansuojamos. Svarbu, kad įstatymuose būtų aiškiai apibrėžti politinių partijų finansavimo šaltiniai, naudojimosi jais tvarka, o taip pat nustatyta realiai veikianti finansavimo tvarkos priežiūra ir atsakomybė už jos pažeidimus. Todėl šiame darbe yra detaliai analizuojami ne tik politinių partijų finansavimo šaltiniai – partijų nario mokestis, valstybės biudžeto parama, lėšos gautos iš kitos politinių partijų veiklos ar juridinių ir fizinių asmenų aukos – bet atskirose darbo dalyse yra nagrinėjama pačios politinės partijos samprata bei jos vaidmuo visuomenės gyvenime ir politinių partijų finansavimo kontrolės mechanizmas. Atskiras skyrius skiriamas politinei reklamai kaip politinių partijų finansavimo šaltiniui. Svarbu visiems politinės kampanijos dalyviams sudaryti vienodas sąlygas pasinaudoti erdve reklamai, o taip pat tinkamai informuoti visuomenę, kad toks informacinis pranešimas yra politinė reklama. Šiame darbe nagrinėjamos problemos yra nuolatinis politikų ir teisininkų diskusijų objektas... [to full text] / This study tries to look into the financial sources of political parties. Despite let’s say exact regulation the sponsorship of political parties becomes one of the sore points concerning this institute in Constitutional law. The political parties often try to avoid the orderliness of sponsorship set in the law or get other allocation which does not correspond with the provisions of the law. The political parties are the most important premise in democratic states. Therefore it is very important issue that the sponsorship of all political parties should be transparent. It is highly essential that the sources of sponsorship as well as supervision of its usages and responsibility will be treated as real measures and set down in the law. That is why this study research not only the sponsorship of the political parties – party dues, state funds, other assets of a state or contribution made by natural or legal persons, but also takes a look to the conception of political party its role in public life and the mechanism of sponsorship control. In this study a special chapter is devoted to a political advertising which becomes a special issue concerning the sponsorship of political parties. It is in the interest that the possibility of buying advertising space should be available to all contending parties, and on equal conditions and rates of payment. Secondly the public should be aware that the message is a paid political advertisement. In conclusion it is to be said that this study... [to full text]

The purpose of this study is to analyze how university students, who are not members of a political party, experiencing existing selective and collective incentives for involvement in a political party. Furthermore, the study will highlight incentives which could help the political parties to increase their membership. The study is based on seven interviews and the respondents were selected after conducting a survey of students’ political involvement. The interviews were analyzed through the theory of selective and collective incentives.  The study shows that the incentives, both selective and collective, for involvement in a political party in general are weak and that the costs in terms of time, money and education are seen as too high. The respondents have a range of suggestions to increase party involvement, including increased party information, better education, increased financial incentives and a more active membership recruitment. The respondents also highlight some collective incentives such as an increased ideological focus and a greater focus on the political party´s own politics. The collective incentives are harder to achieve though they might be most vital for increased involvement. A common feeling amongst the respondents is that they are inclined to become involved in politics if they feel a change is vital for society.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Western Australia, 2005. / No abstract supplied.

Zugl.: Hamburg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2006.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bochum, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 244-251)

The presented graduation thesis deals with radical right wing parties in the political system of the Czech republic. The far-right wing parties occured in the area of the present Czech republic in the second half of 19th century. In the following years their number and importance fluctuated. In the last twenty years the Dělnická strana appeared. This party was the most important far-right wing party since 1989 until present days. Dělnická strana was founded in 2002 and cancelled was by the Supreme Administrative Court eight years later. Many far-right wing parties acted in Czech republic besides this one after 1989. None of them, including Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti, which is the successor party of Dělnická strana, had ever achieved such popularity and elective results.