Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-08-03T19:32:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brenoalexandrepiresfernandesalves.pdf: 1661658 bytes, checksum: fd06e144034b11d8e10b9abd00c8f0f9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-08-28T13:34:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brenoalexandrepiresfernandesalves.pdf: 1661658 bytes, checksum: fd06e144034b11d8e10b9abd00c8f0f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-28T13:34:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brenoalexandrepiresfernandesalves.pdf: 1661658 bytes, checksum: fd06e144034b11d8e10b9abd00c8f0f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-18 / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo comparar a criação e o desenvolvimento do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) e do Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Partimos da premissa de que a origem dos partidos apresenta forte influencia sobre seu desenvolvimento futuro, bem como suas estratégias e objetivos. Portanto, a análise se dá a partir da comparação da criação desses novos partidos (PSOL e PSD), de seus primeiros membros, de suas estruturas organizacionais, de seus filiados, de suas estratégias e de seu desempenho ao longo das eleições que disputaram. Como análise complementar, buscamos observar as características que possam nos revelar o quanto de novidade esses partidos oferecem ao sistema político e partidário brasileiro. Ao explorar esses aspectos, ressaltando as diferenças e semelhanças entre os partidos em questão, esperamos auxiliar na compreensão de como o mesmo arranjo político pode ser um campo frutífero para o desenvolvimento de partidos que, aparentemente, apresentam características distintas. / This thesis aims to compare the birthand the development of the PartidoSocialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) and the Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Our research has as a starting point the premise that the origin of these parties contains a substantial influence upon their unfolding and their strategies and objectives. Therefore, our analysis proposes a comparison between not only the creation of these two new parties (PSOL e PSD), but also between their first members, their structural organization, the people enrolled in them, the strategies used by them, and theirperformance during the elections in which they participated. As a complementary analysis, we try to determine the elements that may reveal how much newness these parties offer to the Brazilian political and party systems. By exploring these aspects, highlighting the differences and similarities between these two parties, we hope to contribute to the understanding of how the same political arrangement can be a fecund domain to the development of parties that apparently show distinctive features.

La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réforme / Contrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent

This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.

The diploma thesis deals with regional differencies in voting results of individual Czech political parties. The thesis is divided into two main parts. The first part describes a theory of voting systems, focuses on their variants and explains also impact on voting results. The second part contains various types of analysis of voting results of elections into Czech Parliament during period of years 1996 -- 2006. In analysis there we calculate with voting results and social-econimic characteristics for each region. The target of analysis is to find out measure of correlation between mentioned datas.

The aim of this thesis is to answer the question of how to influence the votes promises of the votes results of selected political parties.. Investigated periods are covering the years 1992-2010. Work first clarifies the votes issue as such, it focuses on the theoretical basis for creating a decision-making model. The analytical part is focused primarily on specific promises, their measurement and evaluation of occurrence. To confirm or refute the fact that they have had election promises to influence the election model is used multicriteria analysis. Finally, the promises are evaluated along with their performance and the model is enhanced of their performance.

The central topic of analysis in the master thesis is the general elections in Mexico in 2012 and their influence on the ongoing reform process in the country. The emphasis is put on the effect of conducted reforms and the extent to which they are influenced by the separation of powers in the Mexican presidential system, the Congress itself, the power of the presidents the role of the political parties, the nature of the presidential systems in general, as well as the civil society i.e. the public. There has been a certain amount of criticism that the new, PRI political strategy is simply a portrait of the so called "dinosaur elite" and it is not working towards completing the needs of the people. The aim of the master thesis therefore is firstly to define the nature of the presidential systems, to elaborate any potential deadlocks and limitations that the system might impose in the reform process, and afterwards to represent the extent to which different factors influence the actual reform process in Mexico lead by the President Nieto. The research question aims to respond whether the current structural reforms are well maintained in terms of their effectiveness and in terms of gaining support from the remaining parties in the Congress, or the situation needs to be approved from another angle. In other words, it is crucial to show to what extent the newly elected political leadership in Mexico, as of 2012, had so far reformed the country in regard of strengthening the democracy, improving the economic situation by reducing the growing income inequality amongst the people, as well as working on the security improvement of the country.

The thesis deals with marginally explored area of expert capacities of the Czech political parties with respect to the different organizational types of selected political parties and movements. The work aims to find out what expert capacities work for these types of political parties, how these experts are recruited in their position, whether it corresponds to their educational background and professional experiences with function, which are they holding in the expert authority. Work is elaborated in the form of case study, which focuses on the activities of defense policy expert commissions. The text is divided into two theoretical and one empirical chapters. The first chapter deals with the process of policy-making, its actors and activities associated with this process. The second chapter defines the various types of political parties first from the mainstream perspective (cadre, mass, catch-all parties), which complements the modern concept of business party and finally there is a typology of S. Wolinetz (office-seeking, vote-seeking, policy-seeking parties). The last empirical chapter presents the case study focused on four Czech political parties (TOP 09, KSČM, ČSSD and political movement ANO 2011) and their access to party expertise. The result of this work is to compare the level of analytical capacity across selected political parties/movements and testing of hypotheses formulated in the introduction of the thesis.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the development of the party system in the Russian Federation to determine whether this development can be applied to the classical theory of political parties and party systems designed by european political scientists. In the first chapter there are described theories designed by Maurice Duverger, Jean Blondel, Stein Rokkan and Giovanni Sartori. In the second chapter there is the description of the beginning of the party system in Tsarist Russia. Its task is to draw the options and foundations of the first political party in that territory. The third chapter focuses to the reign of the CPSU, the tools of its government and the reasons for the gradual weakening of its power. The fourth chapter is divided into two parts, the first of which describes the development of the party system in Russia since the fall of the USSR, the second part deals with the comparison of theoretical concepts mentioned in the first chapter and the actual development in Russia.

La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l’étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l’expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l’antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l’idée que l’opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D’une part, l’offre politique qu’elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d’autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l’idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l’impuissance et l’inefficacité de l’opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l’opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l’opposition subit une sorte d’échange inéquitable. De fait, le parti au pouvoir bénéficie d’un avantage comparatif dû à sa position, notamment dans la mainmise sur tout l’appareil d’État, et dans le contrôle absolu qu’il exerce sur les institutions de la République. / The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic

This study takes a close look at the making of the Spanish left-wing populist party Podemos, paying special attention to the populist project devised by its original group of founders to capitalize on the political opportunities created by the 2008 economic crisis and the Indignados movement of 2011. Part I examines how Podemos’ founders used digital technology to connect with followers and exchange support and influence with them. It shows that online platforms constitute a precious tool in the hands of populist leaders who seek to mobilize plebiscitarian support for their authority and goals while creating a semblance of democratic participation. Part II delves deep into the biographical histories of the main founders of Podemos to investigate the beliefs and desires guiding their populist project. Based on a combination of qualitative research methods, including archival research, expert interviews, participant observation, and textual analysis, this study challenges the common notion that the founders of Podemos subscribe to the populist “ideology.” Instead, it demonstrates that they used populism strategically in order to take advantage of what Podemos’ leader Pablo Iglesias called a “Leninist moment” – an exceptional situation in which the seizure of power (through electoral means) becomes possible for a Communist party. It also shows that Ernesto Laclau’s theory of populism exerted a strong influence on some party founders. This was particularly the case for Íñigo Errejón, the main proponent of populism in Podemos, who used Laclau’s theory as a guide to thought and action and turned his book On Populist Reason into the first “sacred text” of the populist tradition.