In this thesis I compare two images of political parties, the image that the parties themselves trying to create through the contents of their election programs, with the image of the political parties perceived by the public. This research topic is a reaction to theories questioning the importance of the electoral programs of the political struggle in recent years. I also take into account the electoral preferences of individual respondents during the analysis. I will use data from public opinion polls for my research on secondary data analysis and other research method will be content analysis.

The thesis deals with the emergence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and its development in the 1920s. The first part is devoted to the historical roots of the socialist movement in Austria-Hungary and the Czech lands and maps the birth of the Communist Party from the left wing of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the policy and internal development of the Communist Party in the 1920s in connection with its relationship to the Communist International. It also describes the most important events that influenced the party, individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, their conclusions and in the context there is explained the strategic-tactical direction of the party. The thesis also monitors the development of communist agitation before the parliamentary elections of 1925 and 1929 and the results of these elections. The work uses specialized literature, protocols of individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and articles from the period press. KEYWORDS Czechoslovakia, political party, communism, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, bolshevization

The outbidding model of intraethnic party competition has dominated the literature on ethnic party competition. The emphasis of this literature on radicalization as an inevitable consequence of intraethnic competition has recently faced fair criticism. Scholars have presented new empirical evidence for intraethnic party competition that runs counter to the predictions of outbidding. Nevertheless, the major assumptions of the outbidding model persist. Scholars generally focus on ethnic outgroups as a source of intraethnic party competition, disregarding other factors that affect competition between ethnic parties within the same ethnic group. My approach to study intraethnic party competition is different. Instead of merely focusing on ethnic politics as the main factor driving intraethnic competition, I investigate other factors that determine intraethnic competition beyond ethnic politics, including social cleavages, and the electoral system. I submit that intraethnic party competition cannot be boiled down simply to ethnic politics. Ethnic parties within the same ethnic group compete over various issues ranging from socioeconomic concerns, to foreign policy and regionalists.

Esta dissertação analisa a trajetória do Partido Progressista Brasileiro (PPB), atualmente rebatizado de Partido Progressista (PP), desde a época do regime militar, sob a denominação de ARENA. O trabalho investiga o desempenho eleitoral e as estratégias que o partido vem utilizando para sobreviver em um ambiente democrático e multipartidário. Nascido dentro do Estado no período autoritário o PPB enfrentou uma série de dificuldades para manter-se com a transição para a democracia. O partido que nasceu grande e descentralizado vem ao longo do tempo assumindo outro perfil: um partido menor e mais centralizado. Apesar de ter perdido influência o PPB têm se mantido entre os maiores partidos do Brasil concentrando cerca de 10% dos cargos políticos em disputa. O trabalho trata também dos deputados, federais e estaduais, do PPB, analisando o posicionamento destes acerca de questões importantes para a política nacional. / This dissertation analyses the trajectory of the Brazilian Progressive Party (recently renamed of Progressive Party - PP), since its creation during the military regimen under the denomination of ARENA (Renovadora National Alliance). The work investigates the electoral performance and the strategies developed by the party to survive under a democratic and multiparty environment. Having been born within of the State, BPP faced many difficulties to survive after the end of the authoritarian regime. After having developed a large and decentralized struture, this party have changed into: a centralized and small organization. Although having lost most of its influence, the BPP has kept its position among the largest parties concentrating about 10% of the elected offices in the country. The work also examines the BPP´s members of the houses of representatives, analysing their positioning regarding important issues of Brazilian policy.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o processo de refundação do Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), que resultou na troca de comando do partido e na substituição da denominação anterior da legenda por Democratas (DEM), em março de 2007. Assumimos a hipótese de que a transferência do PFL para a oposição a partir de 2003, fato inédito na história do partido e que foi decorrente da chegada do PT ao poder federal, foi o evento determinante para a decisão de seus dirigentes de tentar dar nova imagem e identidade ao PFL. Argumentamos também que a refundação teve como objetivo reposicionar o PFL no mercado político eleitoral brasileiro de modo a que pudesse atrair o apoio da classe média urbana localizada nas cidades de médio e grande porte. Mostramos que a passagem para a oposição desencadeou o enfraquecimento do PFL. Dois movimentos conjugados provocaram o retraimento do partido: 1) a transferência de políticos pefelistas para legendas aliadas ao governo Lula; 2) o mau desempenho eleitoral na região Nordeste, reduto tradicional do PFL em sua fase governista e que passou a ser progressivamente dominado por partidos que apoiavam a administração petista. Por fim, com base nos resultados das eleições municipais de 2000, 2004 e 2008, apresentamos dados e testes estatísticos que sustentam a ideia de que os municípios menos desenvolvidos, menos populosos, localizados no Nordeste e cujas economias são mais dependentes do setor público possuem viés governista. Isto é, nessas localidades, mais do que no restante do país, o poder local tende a se alinhar com o poder federal. Tal tendência parece fornecer uma boa explicação para o retraimento do PFL nos municípios com as características acima definidas. / This dissertation aims to analyze the re-foundation process of the Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), which resulted in the change of command of the party and the replacement of the previous name of the legend by Democrats (DEM) in March 2007. We assume the hypothesis that the transfer of the PFL for the opposition since 2003, unprecedented in the history of the party and that was determined by the arrival of PT in the federal government, was the crucial event to the decision of party leaders to try to give new image and identity to the PFL. We argue also that the re-foundation aimed to reposition the PFL in Brazilian electoral political market in order to attract the support of the urban middle class located in large and medium-sized cities. We show that the transition to the opposition led to the weakening of the PFL. Two movements together caused the retreat of the party: 1) the transfer of PFL politicians to parties allied to Lula´s administration, 2) the poor electoral performance in the Northeast, traditional stronghold of the PFL during the time it was in the government and that was progressively dominated by parties which supported PT administration. Finally, dealing with the results of municipal elections in 2000, 2004 and 2008, we present data and statistical tests that support the idea that less developed municipalities, few populated, located in the Northeast region and whose economies are more dependent on public sector have a progovernment bias. That is, in these locations, more than in the rest of the country, local government tends to align with the federal government. This trend seems to provide a good explanation for the withdrawal of the PFL in municipalities with the characteristics specified above.

La chute de la dictature duvaliériste, le 7 février 1986, marque un véritable tournant dans l’évolution politique du pays. La situation nouvelle qui en résulte est généralement analysée ou comprise sous l’angle de l’explication découlant du paradigme des transitions. Ce cadre d’analyse s’est révélé en tous points inadapté pour rendre compte des bouleversements enregistrés. Dès lors, la recherche d’une explication alternative vient à se poser. Cette recherche tente d’explorer cette voie. Et elle soulève un questionnement fondamental qui appréhende la crise haïtienne sous l’angle de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique imposé lors de la première occupation américaine pendant la période 1915-1934. Le défi de cette restructuration du champ politique avait sollicité davantage le rôle et l’action de deux nouveaux acteurs qui ont durablement émergé dans la vie politique du pays à partir des années quatre-vingt : les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques. L’interaction qui s’établit entre ces deux acteurs avait acquis à la fois une dimension complexe et problématique. D’une part, ils (les acteurs) n’avaient pas pu développer une claire conscience de leur rôle dans le processus de transformation politique en cours. D’autre part, il s’est établi entre les deux acteurs un radical antagonisme qui a fini par compromettre la possibilité de construction des capacités politiques nationales en vue de favoriser une évolution positive dudit processus. Le retour à la domination directe américaine, avec l’intervention militaire de 1994, consacrera l’impossibilité de trouver une issue à la crise au plan interne. Cette intervention confirmera la réalité de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique de 1934 tout en provoquant des contradictions nouvelles. Elle a notamment contribué à précipiter la suppression de l’armée, tout en procédant de manière quasi-totale à la confiscation de la souveraineté du pays. Pendant la décennie 1986-1996 qui reste charnière dans le processus de changement politique en Haïti, il n’a pas été possible donc d’aboutir à une redéfinition de l’ordre politique agonisant. Mais l’enjeu de son renouvellement reste indispensable. Malgré leurs faiblesses et les controverses à la base de leur relation, les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques demeurent encore les deux principales formes de représentation politique ou d’action collective qui puissent aider d’avancer dans cette direction. La difficulté majeure est d’arriver à définir l’originalité de l’articulation entre ces deux acteurs qui pourrait bien convenir dans le contexte actuel marqué à la fois par le reflux des mouvements et le faible niveau d’enracinement de la forme partisane. / The fall of the dictatorship duvalierist, on February 7, 1986, mark a true turning point in the political evolution of the country. The new situation which results from it is generally analyzed or included/understood under the angle of the explanation rising from the paradigm of the transitions. This framework of analysis appeared in all points misfit to give an account of the recorded upheavals. Consequently, the search for an alternative explanation has been suddenly posed. This research tries to explore this way. And it raises a fundamental questioning which apprehends the Haitian crisis under the angle of the exhaustion of the political order imposed at the time of the first American occupation for the period 1915-1934. The challenge of this reorganization of the political field had more requested the role and the action of two new actors who durably emerged in the political life of the country as from the Eighties: popular movements and political parties. The interaction which is established between these two actors had acquired at the same time a complex and problematic dimension. On the one hand, they (actors) had not been able to develop a clear conscience of their role in the process of political transformation in progress. In addition, it was established between the two actors a radical antagonism which ended up compromising the possibility of construction of the capacities national policies in order to support a positive development of the known as process. The return to the American direct domination, with the military intervention of 1994, will devote impossibility of finding an exit with the crisis with the internal plan. This intervention will confirm the reality of the exhaustion of the political order of 1934 whole while causing new contradictions. It in particular contributed to precipitate the removal of the army, while proceeding in a quasi-total way to the confiscation of the sovereignty of the country. During the decade 1986-1996 which remains hinge in the process of political change in Haiti, it was not possible thus to lead to a redefinition of the political order failing. But the stake of its renewal remains essential. In spite of their weaknesses and the controversies at the base of their relation, the popular movements and the political parties remain still the two principal forms of political representation or class action suit who can help to advance in this direction. The major difficulty is to manage to define the originality of the articulation between these two actors which could be appropriate well in the current context marked at the same time by the backward flow of the movements and the low level of rooting of the form partisane.

The aim of this thesis is to identify significant weaknesses of political party funding system in the Czech Republic, and to suggest possible improvements of the system. Knowledge acquired in the first part of the thesis, which deals with the theoretical basis of political party funding, is used to analyse the applicable legislation. This part of the thesis first of all describes the legal framework of political parties, the principles and goals of political party funding, and possible approaches to the funding; the most space is devoted to one of the possible approaches, regulatory measures, which is divided on the basis of supply side (state a private funding) and demand side (mainly campaign spending regulation). The Czech legislation is not only analysed in general and using the theoretical basis, but is also compared with the system adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany. The hypothesis is that the German law is a good example for the Czech Republic in the field of party financing, for the Federal Republic of Germany has been a developed democratic state of law for a longer uninterrupted period of time, and was one of the first countries in the world to introduce state funding of political parties. The second part of the thesis describes, analyses and compares the applicable legislation of the...

This thesis proceeds with my bachelor's thesis Financing of Political Parties in Czech Republic. Party patronage is additional field of study of how political parties work in real life. We can analyze different factors while studying party patronage such as the overlap or intrusion of political parties in state administration, the way how patronage is practised and it's criteria, similarly to studying the way how party financing influences for example electoral outcomes. I will point out main theoretical approach to this relatively new field of studies and its methological foundations. I will devote a seprate chapter to a non-existing Law on Public Service and see whether this should be enacted or not.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz_Carlos.pdf: 872574 bytes, checksum: 98ef9ad8b3b65a6e4c63e18d592a0259 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-13 / In this work we seek to present Gramsci s conceptions of education and party, as well as to revise his theory of revolution. The role of the political party as an educational agent that idealizes and implements an education towards the rupture and overcoming of the capitalist society was also highlighted in this study. We assume that the party, according to Gramsci, goes beyond the institutionality and sometimes it is almost confused with the class itself. The same is true with education: to Gramsci, this is a human phenomenon that goes beyond formality, covering the whole culture built by a society. Central Gramscian concepts such as hegemony, civil society, war of position and war of movement are also addressed, since they are closely linked each other. These concepts are revised with a focus on the party as an educational agent, in an attempt of understanding the educational action of the party in the construction of hegemony, in the activity of civil society, and in the tactics to be used in each historical moment. Finally, we present the discussion on the organic and the traditional intellectual, as well as the educational relationship between the intellectuals and the party, and we also offer some reflections on the revolutionary praxis. According to Gramsci, every class, in all societies, form their organic intellectuals, who are responsible for maintaining the ideology that allows the operation of the economic, political and social model of their time. The traditional intellectuals are disputed by the ruling class and the working class; in this perspective, then, it is the function of the party not only to develop its organic intellectuals but also to conquer these other intellectuals to defend its ideology. The formal school, from which come the traditional intellectuals, is also the scene of a struggle between classes with antagonist projects of society. Thus, the role of the political party, in the Gramscian conception, is to act as an educational agent in the various segments of the civil society, disputing the hegemony for the construction of a revolutionary education focused on the working class. / Ao longo de nosso trabalho buscamos apresentar a concepção de educação e de partido em Gramsci, bem como resgatar, no conjunto de seu pensamento, a questão da teoria da revolução. A atuação do partido político enquanto agente educativo que pensa e pratica uma educação que aponta para o rompimento e superação da sociedade capitalista, foi salientado por nós. Entendemos que o partido, para Gramsci, vai além da institucionalidade, chegando em alguns momentos a quase se confundir com a própria classe. O mesmo ocorre com a educação, sendo que, para ele, esta é um fenômeno humano que extrapola a formalidade, abrangendo toda a cultura construída por uma sociedade. Os conceitos centrais do pensamento Gramsciano tais como: hegemonia, sociedade civil, guerra de posição e guerra de movimento foram também por nós trabalhados. Tais conceitos estão interligados e por isso passamos por eles ressaltando a questão do partido como agente educativo, ou seja, buscando entender a ação educativa do partido na construção da hegemonia, na atuação na sociedade civil, e nas táticas a serem utilizadas por ele em cada momento histórico. Por fim apresentamos a questão do intelectual orgânico e tradicional e a relação educativa destes com o partido, além de refletirmos também sobre a questão da práxis revolucionária. Para Gramsci toda classe em todas as sociedades formam seus intelectuais orgânicos e são estes os responsáveis pela manutenção da ideologia que permite o funcionamento do modelo econômico, político e social de sua época. Os intelectuais tradicionais são disputados pela classe dominante e pela classe dominada, nesta perspectiva, então, é função do partido, além de produzir seus intelectuais orgânicos, conquistar estes outros intelectuais para defesa de sua ideologia. A Escola formal, de onde saem os intelectuais tradicionais, se torna também um palco de disputa entre as classes com projetos de sociedade antagônicos. Portanto, cabe ao partido político, na concepção gramsciana, atuar, como agente educativo, nos diversos espaços da sociedade civil, disputando a hegemonia para a construção de uma educação revolucionária voltada à classe trabalhadora.

O total de gasto social do governo somou cerca de R$800 bilhões em 2009, quase 25% do PIB brasileiro. Dado este volume crescente e expressivo, esta dissertação apresenta uma análise do efeito do gasto social sobre a pobreza no Brasil das três instâncias de governo: federal, estadual e municipal. Para tanto, foram estimados três modelos com dados em painel de 20 anos (1987 a 2009) analisando os gastos estaduais e federais. Adicionalmente, estimou-se o efeito da despesa municipal utilizando dados de 1991, 2000 e 2010 para 5.058 municípios. Procurou-se tratar o viés de simultaneidade entre o gasto do governo e a pobreza aplicando-se o modelo de mínimos quadrados em dois estágios, utilizando variáveis de ideologia política como instrumento. Os resultados mostraram que o gasto das três instâncias de governo tem efeito sobre a queda da pobreza no Brasil. Particularmente, as funções orçamentárias de gasto que apresentaram maior efetividade sobre a queda da pobreza foram: gasto federal e municipal com saúde e saneamento e gastos agregados estaduais e municipais. Analisou-se também o efeito da interação do gasto estadual com dados das condições iniciais de cada estado em 1980 - renda familiar per capita, desigualdade, proporção de pobres, grau de educação e mortalidade infantil. Concluiu-se que tanto as condições iniciais de cada estado como suas características específicas influenciam o grau em que o seu gasto afeta a pobreza. / The total public social spending in Brazil reached about R$800 billion in 2009, almost 25% of Brazilian GDP. Giving this increasing and expressive volume, this dissertation analyzes the effect of the three levels of government social spending on poverty in Brazil - federal, state and municipal. Three models were estimated with a 20 year\'s state panel data (1987 to 2009) analyzing the federal and state spending effect. We also estimated the municipal expenditure effect on poverty using data from 1991, 2000 and 2010 in 5.058 municipalities. The simultaneity bias between government spending and poverty was treated by applying the two stages least squares method, using the political ideology as instrumental variables. The results showed that the spending of the three levels of government reduce poverty in Brazil. Particularly, the spending budget functions with higher effectiveness on reduce poverty are: federal and municipal spending on health and sanitation, state and local aggregated spending. In addition, we also analyzed the effect of the state spending data interacting with its initial conditions in 1980 - per capita income, inequality, poverty, level of education and infant mortality. We concluded that the states initial conditions as well as its specific characteristics influence the extent to which their spending affects poverty.