Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 304-318).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Bonn. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-366).

Thesis advisor: David Hopkins / Over the past 20 years, there has been a trend in American politics for college graduates to identify with the Democratic party and to fall to the left on the ideology scale. College graduates of today are both more liberal than previous college graduates as well as their contemporary non-college graduate counterparts. Previous research disagrees on what mechanisms are driving this growing education gap in American politics. Some point to selection effects while others argue that college socializes students to move to the left. Using data from the Political Engagement Project (2003-2005), I argue that the process that is occurring is a mix of these two ideas, fitting an Input-Environment-Output model. While college students as a whole do come in leaning to the left, college has a mildly liberalizing effect on students, so that college graduates as a whole exit leaning more to the left than they did when they entered. I also point out some factors which predispose students to ideological change or stability during college. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.

The thesis aims to analyze Europeanisation of party system in Bulgaria. In the introduction are presented the basic definitions and approaches to Europeanisation, which are used in the thesis as a theoretical basis. The basis for this analysis derives from the theory of Robert Ladrech, which examines the party programs, organizational structure, party system, relations between political party and government and reflects political parties beyond the party competition. The first part of thesis deals with the transition process and shows the development of party system since the fall of communism, including characteristics of various political parties that established themselves in democracy. The second part focuses on the relation between the European Union and Bulgaria. Main focus of this chapter is to present a short exposure of Bulgaria in the EU, an election to the European parliament and an analysis of political parties in the context of their attitudes towards European integration and European issues in their program. Framing previous information into the theoretical framework of Robert Ladrech is the last - analytical - part of the work. According to the last part it can be proved or disproved whether it has been Europeanisation of party system in Bulgaria established or not.

¡iabract¡j From the past to the present, we can find no matter mass media, public opinion, and even the government party and opposition party is in support of neutrality of the Speaker, nevertheless, it had been unable to accomplish the purpose in past decade. What we see is endless arguments, as often as there is election of the premier of legislative yuan or bill battle. Hence, the author thinks there is a gap between our subjective expectation and objective reality about neutrality of the premier of legislative yuan, otherwise why we can¡¦t put neutrality of the premier of legislative yuan into practice for a long time. So this text thinks whether the premier of legislative yuan should be development toward neutralization, it is worth to discuss. It is necessary to inspect the possibility of neutral development for the premier of legislative yuan. In this article, we define the meaning of neutrality of the Speaker includes three levels, such as neutrality of agenda, neutrality of political party and neutrality of electoral district, etc., and under the prerequisite of these three meaning, the Speaker acted multiple roles including congress chairman, legislative chief, representatives of political party, representatives of electoral district and coordinator, etc. And some of them are useful to neutrality; some of them are conflict and contradictive to neutrality. Further, these roles would be influenced by the historical background, political culture, constitutional government system, political party, electoral system, and parliamentary norm and convention. So from this point of view, we observe experience of foreign the Speaker and inspect key factor influencing role of the Speaker. At the same time, we also explored key factor influencing role of the premier of legislative yuan, and compared with both, to present useful and unfavorable conditions about neutrality. Eventually, according to these conditions, we analyze the possibility of neutral development for the premier of legislative yuan, and make the relevant suggestions. We find out something in the course of studying. At first, our government trends towards presidential government in constitutional government system, the administration and legislation is split, it is useful to strengthen orientation of representatives of political party of the premier of legislative yuan. Secondly, if the premier of legislative yuan wants to be the Speaker, he has to rely on the strength of the political party in election, it makes the premier of legislative yuan cant¡¦t keep neutrality. Finally, the establishment of legislative yuan is very short, norm and conventions that it is useful to neutrality is not formed, such as the Speaker withdrawing from the political party or setting up several vice speakers to share agenda resources. And this also makes neutral development of the premier of legislative yuan more and more difficult. So we get a clear understanding of our current institutional reality, it is unfavorable to neutrality of the premier of legislative yuan. Consequently, we should develop towards the American type of the Speaker, to strengthen authority of the premier of legislative yuan, to make him lead the political party and integrate the legislative to restrict the executive power, to improve the entity of the whole legislative yuan. Key word: the premier of legislative yuan, the Speaker , neutrality of the Speaker , neutrality of agenda , neutrality of political party , neutrality of electoral district, Constitutional government system , political party , electoral system , parliamentary norm and convention

All the youth political organizations, that were included in his research, aimed to provide its political parties with the function of party stabilization, They acted as a mediator between political party and the defined part of society. There is an assumption, that institutionalized political party wants a strong and durable relationship with the affiliated organization because of its mutually beneficial functions. Moreover, these parties should also aim to formalize this relationship via its statutes. However, in the Czech Republic there is a strong tendency toward omitting this form of relationship as the parties prefer more informal relations. This diploma thesis discovered, that in the only youth political organization with formal ties to its maternal organization was Young Social Democrats. Even though these youth political parties act lice a support structure, they can be also perceived by political party as a potential source of instability and danger.

本論文除前言、結論外共分文章 第一章 容共時期的糾紛。論述中國國民黨自民國十四年「西山會議」至民國十六年 清黨之黨內糾紛，和寧漢分裂的經過並分析蔣中正下野的原因。 第二章 黨務紛擾的持續。論述中央特別委員會之成立與結束，及其法理問題，兼論 此一時期乘虛而起之新桂系。 第三章 全國統一後的政局。討論蔣中正復職與完成北伐的經過，和國民政府為達成 實質統一而作的努力，並探討在此背景之下的國民革命軍各軍事領袖之間的關係。 第四章 三全大會的籌備與召開。主要分成兩部分，其一論述大會籌備之經過與代表 的產生；其二記述三全大會各次會議之議事過程。 第五章 三全大會之決議及其分析。將三全大會之決議案分成黨務、軍事、政治、外 交、財經建設與教育等方面分析其內容。 第六章 三全大會的成就與挫折。依照前章之分類，分述決議案執行情形及其所遭遇 之挫折。

Dans ma thèse j’analyse l’Alliance Démocrate Hongroise de Roumanie (RMDSZ, UDMR, DAHR), l’organisation qui a représenté la minorité hongroise de Roumanie dans le Parlement de la Roumanie entre 1990-2004. La troisième partie de la thèse qui contient l’analyse de l’Alliance Démocrate Hongroise de Roumanie se structure autour des sujets suivants : l’émergence de l’UDMR ; les résultats électoraux de l’UDMR; les relations qui se sont établies entre l’UDMR et les partis politiques roumaines, les partis politiques de Hongrie, les organisations internationales; les changements des programmes de l’UDMR; l’autonomie; la structure de l’UDMR; les initiatives législatives de l’UDMR; la vie interne de l’UDMR. La thèse contient aussi une mis en perspective historique, le recensement et la brève analyse des organisations et des partis qui entre 1920-1989 ont voulu représenter la minorité hongroise de Roumanie. La thèse inclut également un chapitre qui analyse les revendications liées à l’enseignement en langue hongroise des partis/des organisations hongroise entre 1920-2004. The thesis analyses UDMR (RMDSZ/DAHR), the organization that represented the Hungarian minority in the Romanian Parliament between 1990-2004. The third part consists of the analysis of the DAHR and it has as guidelines the following themes: the establishing of DAHR; the electoral results of DAHR; the relationship between DAHR and the Romanian political parties; the relationship between DAHR and the political parties from Hungary; DAHR and the international organizations; the changes of the DAHR’s program; autonomy; the structure of DAHR; the legislative drafts of DAHR; the internal life of DAHR. The thesis speaks also about the organizations/parties that have been representing the Hungarians in the political life of Romania between 1920-1989. In the same time, the last chapter analyses the demands of the Hungarian organizations/parties regarding the education in the Hungarian language at all levels, demands from the period of 1920-2004.

This dissertation aims to understand how Islamist ideology differs across Islamist political parties in majority-Muslim countries. It asks why, despite drawing from the same religious source, the ideology of Islamist parties differs significantly and ranges from a wide spectrum, reaching from rigid conservative ideologies to flexible and even liberal. In order to address this question, the first step I pursue is to create a classification of different types of Islamism based on a spectrum of Islamist thought and behavior. I call the most literalist approach which aims at top-down Islamization Traditionalist Islamism, while the most flexible variety which argues for a bottom-up approach and relies on secular civil law is is labelled Neo-Islamism. Political parties that do not clearly fall under any of these categories and mix characteristics of both are grouped under the Hybrid Islamism category. I argue that if they could, all Islamist parties would moderate their ideology in order to achieve electoral success. However, both the position of the party vis-a-vis other parties in the system, and a high degree of dependence on an internal clique or an external movement create constraints and limitations which prevent parties from moderating their ideological profile. I find support for my argument by comparing five different Islamist parties in Indonesia. I further strengthen my case by introducing several hadow cases from Turkey, Malaysia and Tajikistan (under the authoritarian regime).

Etudier l’ordre juridique partisan, c’est affirmer qu’un parti politique constitue un ordre juridique. Pour cela, il faut d’abord montrer que les règles internes des partis répondent aux critères mobilisés par la doctrine pour qualifier la juridicité puis, en s’inscrivant dans la perspective du pluralisme juridique et en s’appuyant sur la théorie de l’institution, démontrer que le parti politique, en tant qu’institution, est un ordre juridique. Ce constat implique d’étudier ses relations vis-à-vis de l’Etat tant en ce qui concerne son encadrement que son contrôle ce qui permet de prendre la mesure de son autonomie. L’ordre juridique partisan n’est pas seulement un ordre juridique spécifique, c’est encore un ordre juridique flexible, perméable à la société qui l’entoure et au sein duquel le droit est instrumentalisé. La porosité de l’ordre juridique partisan vis-à-vis de son environnement se traduit par une conformation au contexte institutionnel dans lequel il évolue mais aussi par une adaptabilité aux évolutions du contexte social dans lequel il s’inscrit. Au sein du parti, le droit est mis au service de la justification des stratégies politiques et de nombreuses règles se voient contournées ou même jamais appliquées. Le droit disciplinaire, quant à lui, connaît une application circonstancielle motivée par des considérations d’opportunité politique ou résultant des rapports de forces internes au parti qui en font un droit négocié. / The study of the nature of partisan juridical order leads to affirm that a political party constitutes a juridical order. To do so, one must first establish that the internal rules of parties meet the criteria established by existing doctrine to decide that the threshold for lawfulness has been met ; and then, within the perspective of juridical pluralism and based on the theory of institutions, one must demonstrate that a political party, as an institution, is a juridical order. Such a finding implies the need to study the party’s relationship to the state, in both its regula tion and its control, so as to be able to measure its autonomy. The partisan juridical order is not only a specific juridical order; it is also a flexible juridical order, which is open to the society around it and within which the law is made instrumental . The porosity to its environment of the partisan juridical order results in its conforming to the institutional context in which it operates, but also in its adaptability to the evolution of the social context within which it fits. Within the party, the law is used to justify political strategies and a number of rules are bypassed or even never applied. As to disciplinary law, it is applied according to circumstances, and motivated by considerations of political opportunity or as a result of the internal balance of power within the party, which make it a negotiated law.