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En Turquie, la conscription est un principe à valeur constitutionnelle qui est considéré comme un droit et un devoir pour chaque citoyen turc de sexe masculin. Ce dernier est dans l’obligation de servir sous les drapeaux l’année où il atteint ses vingt ans, même s’il réside à l’étranger. Par ailleurs, le lecteur serait peut-être surpris de savoir que ces rites festifs ne découlent pas de la mise en place du service obligatoire en 1924, ils étaient quasi inexistants avant les années 1990 et leur apparition coïncide avec la contre-insurrection contre les séparatistes kurdes dans le sud-est du pays.L’objet de ce travail est précisément de comprendre la conscription (askerlik) à partir des années 1980 comme expérience socialisatrice pour les conscrits, comblant un vide dans les études, pourtant nombreuses, qui portent sur l’armée turque. / No English summary available

Orientador: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Banca: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Banca: Regiane Nitsch Bressan / Resumo: A presente dissertação trata das eleições diretas ao Parlamento Andino e ao Parlamento do Mercosul. Estes estão inseridos, respectivamente, na Comunidade Andina e no Mercosul, dois blocos de integração regional da América do Sul. Ademais, até o momento, ambos são os únicos parlamentos de esquemas de integração na América do Sul. Debatemos as problemáticas da democratização dos fenômenos de integração regional e regionalismo a partir da conformação de parlamentos regionais com representantes eleitos de forma direta pelas populações nacionais. Essas eleições regionais guardam singularidades importantes pela especificidade de eleger representantes da integração, valendo também ressaltar a influência dos processos de integração e regionalismo que afetaram a América Latina e América do Sul. Apoiados nos debates do deficit democrático dos processos de integração regional, de teorias de integração regional e da formação de eleições de segunda ordem nas eleições ao Parlamento Europeu, buscamos compreender, dentro das análises das eleições ao Parlandino e ao Parlasul, as possibilidades e os limites que dessas no sentido de democratizar a integração na Comunidade Andina e no Mercosul e, consequentemente, nos processos de integração da América do Sul. / Abstract: This dissertation deals with direct elections to the Andean Parliament and the Mercosur Parliament. These are inserted, respectively, in the Andean Community and in the Mercosur, two regional integration blocs of South America. In addition, until this date, both are the only parliaments of integration schemes in South America. We debate the problems on the democratization of the regional integration phenomena and regionalism from the formation of regional parliaments with representatives directly elected by the national populations. These regional elections hold important singularities for the specificity of electing representatives of integration. It is also worth highlighting the influence of the integration and regionalism processes that affected Latin America and South America. Based on the debates about the democratic deficit of the processes of regional integration, theories of regional integration and the formation of second-order elections in the European Parliament elections, we seek to understand, within the analysis of the elections to Andean Parliament and Parlasur, the possibilities and limits of these to democratize integration in the Andean Community and Mercosur and consequently in the South American integration processes. / Mestre

Cette recherche s’intéresse aux usages contentieux du droit de la non-discrimination dans l’emploi privé. Elle s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée dans des permanences juridiques, sur la réalisation d’entretiens avec des plaignants et des intermédiaires du droit, ainsi que sur l’analyse d’archives et sur l’exploitation statistique de bases de données. La thèse analyse les ressources et compétences mises en œuvre par des acteurs individuels ou collectifs pour contester des situations de discrimination devant la justice. La démonstration retrace, dans un premier temps, la genèse et les ancrages moraux pluriels du droit de la non-discrimination en France, avant de traiter de l’instrumentation institutionnelle de ce droit via l’action de la Haute autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et pour l’égalité. Elle restitue ensuite les parcours judiciaires des personnes s’estimant victimes de discrimination, pour finalement analyser les usages militants et politiques de ce droit à travers les stratégies déployées respectivement par un collectif de lutte contre les discriminations proche de la CGT et par l’association SOS Racisme. S’inscrivant dans le sillage d’une sociologie politique du droit, revisitée par une approche pragmatique, cette thèse cherche à dégager les différents enjeux pratiques auxquels sont confrontés les acteurs qui font usage de ce droit. Elle participe à mettre en évidence les conditions de possibilité d’une politique de lutte contre les discriminations appuyée sur l’instrument juridique. L’analyse transversale de différentes situations où est fait usage de ce droit montre la difficulté pour les acteurs à réussir de façon conjointe à obtenir une qualification juridique par les tribunaux, à rendre justice aux victimes en leur proposant une réparation adéquate, et à instaurer l’égalité de traitement comme norme sociale. Les obstacles à l’usage du droit de la non-discrimination résultent à la fois de contraintes internes à son déploiement et des tensions entre les trois registres d’action que sont le passage du droit, l’exigence de justice et l’horizon politique. Face à ces difficultés, des organisations – administratives ou militantes – élaborent de façon empirique et tâtonnante des stratégies et dispositifs permettant de concilier – de façon plus ou moins précaire – ces objectifs contradictoires. / This dissertation is about the use of law against discrimination in the workplace. The methodology mixes ethnographical observations, qualitative interviews with victims and law intermediaries, archive analysis and statistics. It analyses resources and skills used to denounce discrimination before courts. The first part deals with the plurality of anti-discrimination law genesis and their various moral justifications. The second part is about the actions undertaken by the French agency Haute autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et pour l’égalité in order to enforce the law. The third part deals with individual complaints of discrimination victims and the last part analyses the use of law by a trade union and an anti-discriminatory organization – CGT and SOS Racisme. This research outlines different challenges faced by all parties to fulfill law requisites, to deal with individual demands of fair treatment, and to implement norm of equality. Those three distinct dimensions are potentially contradictory. Still despite those difficulties, institutions and activists try to find a way “however precarious” of reconciling enforcement of law, assistance to victims, and “politicization” of individual grievances.

Cette thèse analyse l’institutionnalisation du Haut représentant de l’UE dans les négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien entre 2003 et 2015. En combinant la sociologie de l’UE avec la sociologie des RI, elle interroge les dynamiques qui ont amené le Haut représentant à être reconnu comme légitime par l’ensemble des acteurs de la configuration du dossier nucléaire iranien. À partir de ce questionnement, ce travail propose un cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’institutionnalisation de l’Europe de la politique étrangère. En m’appuyant sur l’hypothèse de la différenciation des espaces sociaux, je prendrai en compte les logiques distinctes structurant l’arène globale de la négociation nucléaire et l’arène de la PESC, tout en les appréhendant comme des arènes enchevêtrées. À partir de l’analyse de l’institutionnalisation du rôle du Haut représentant dans le dossier nucléaire et en s’inspirant de la sociologie de Michel Dobry, ce travail permet de concevoir la variation de l’emprise des différents espaces sociaux sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune. Plutôt que de privilégier l’analyse d’une dimension sur l’autre, il est nécessaire de saisir la trajectoire de leur rapport afin d’appréhender le caractère aléatoire de la construction de l’Europe de la politique étrangère dans toute sa complexité. Au-delà de cela, l’étude de cas questionne l’idée de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE en tant que processus d’intégration. En effet, l’inscription de l’UE dans l’espace global de la diplomatie internationale nous permet de voir qu’il s’agit aussi bien d’une dynamique d’autonomisation, de différenciation et d’exclusion / This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, it examines the dynamics that led the High representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy. In line with the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion

There has been a history of a strained relationship between the public and the police institution for decades; most recently as a result of documented high levels of arrest rates among marginalized communities. Stop and frisk practices have been active in the United States since the 1950s and have been studied academically in the United States since the 1990s. However, research concerning Canadian data is limited. This project, using Bourdieusian concepts (field, habitus, capital, and doxa) with other resistance to change/police culture research, addresses the gaps in literature surrounding the practice of ‘carding’ in Canada by determining the forms of strategies and capital used by parties to defend and contest the police practice in the city of Toronto. Using a form of Document Analysis, this project created inductive categories from reports and recommendations submitted by the Toronto Police, several activist groups, and the province of Ontario between the years of 2012-2015. Findings from this paper were similar to previous literature; however, we saw an emotional argument surrounding the use of risk emerge through those justifying the police practice of ‘carding’. This emotional argument relied on a platform of fear and risk discourse, arguing that having limited faith in police not only goes against previously accepted practices, but places our communities in greater potential danger. Furthermore, our findings showed that narratives presented by those contesting the practice of ‘carding’ saw legal and factual arguments emerge which were not seen in previous literature. These legal and factual arguments focused on Constitutionality and statistics to contest the practice of ‘carding’, rather than rely on emotional arguments as seen in previous literature. This project allowed for a snapshot of the case in Toronto to help understand the issue in a Canadian context. Many themes developed were similar to previous literature; however, we saw a new emotional argument surrounding a risk discourse and those contesting ’carding’ have accessed the legal ‘field’ to express concerns. Directions for future research are presented at the end of this study.

Typescript (photocopy) Bibliography: leaves 779-813.

This is an analysis of flank and shift effects in political sociology that focuses on anti-immigrant parties in eight European countries. In a positive radical flank effect the radical party makes the moderate and mildly-threatening parties look good. In turn, that moderate party then gains power or at least many of their ends. A negative radical flank effect occurs when the actual or perceived association of the moderate party with the radical party causes the moderate party to lose support. Radical shift effects are when the moderate or conservative party shifts its policy toward the radical direction. In this case, the radical party may become a coalition partner with the moderate or conservative party. And conservative or moderate shift is when the radical party shifts its policy toward a more moderate direction in order to assume power or court votes. The radical flank effects have some currency in the civil rights literature, but the other two effects have been largely ignored. This thesis shows that the radical shifts, radical flank, and moderate shift effects do have explanatory value in political sociology.

Photocopy of typescript. / Bibliography: leaves 581-595. / xxxii, 595 leaves ill

Typescript (photocopy) / Bibliography: leaves 779-813 / xiv, 813 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Dept. of Politics, University of Adelaide, 1990