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This thesis presents Franklin Delano Roosevelt's use of persuasive means and influence of American public opinion during the pre-World War II crisis years 1940-41.

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What do politicians talk about when discussing foreign affairs? Are these topics different from the ones in the newspapers? Finally, can unsupervised methods be used to help us understand these problems? Answering these questions is of paramount importance to understanding the relationship between foreign policy and mass media. Based on this discussion, this research has three main objectives: (a) to verify whether unsupervised methods can be used to analyze documents on international issues; (b) to understand the issues that politicians talk about when dealing with foreign affairs; and (c) to understand when and with which periodicity the mass media publish news on certain international topics. To do so, I created two new corpora, one with news articles published in the international section of two major Brazilian newspapers; and a corpus with all speeches made within the two Committees on Foreign Affairs of the National Congress of Brazil. I ran a topic model using Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) in both. The results of this topic model show that LDA can be used to distinguish different international issues that appear in both political discourse and the mass media in Brazil. Additionally, I found that the LDA model can be used to identify when some topics are debated and for how long. The findings also demonstrate that Brazilian politicians and Brazilian newspapers are neither isolated nor unstable in what regards international issues. / Sobre o que os políticos falam quando discutem temas internacionais? Esses tópicos são diferentes daqueles que aparecem nos jornais? Finalmente, métodos não supervisionados podem ser usados para nos ajudar a entender esses problemas? Responder a essas perguntas é de suma importância para entender a relação entre política externa e mídia de massa. Com base nessa discussão, esta pesquisa tem três objetivos principais: (a) verificar se os métodos não supervisionados podem ser usados para analisar documentos sobre questões internacionais; (b) compreender sobre que assuntos os políticos falam quando lidam com relações exteriores; e (c) entender quando e por quanto tempo a mídia de massa publica notícias sobre determinados tópicos internacionais. Para tanto, eu criei dois novos corpora, um com notícias publicadas no caderno internacional de dois dos principais jornais brasileiros; e um corpus com todos os discursos feitos dentro das duas Comissões de Relações Exteriores do Congresso Brasileiro. Executei um modelo de tópico usando Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) em ambos. Os resultados desse modelo de tópico mostram que ele pode ser usado para distinguir diferentes questões internacionais que aparecem tanto no discurso político como na mídia de massa no Brasil. Além disso, o modelo pode ser usado para identificar quando alguns tópicos são debatidos e por quanto tempo. Os resultados também demonstram que tanto os políticos como os jornais brasileiros não são isolados nem instáveis em relação a questões internacionais.

Dans cette thèse, j’ai souhaité explorer la communication politique espagnole réactivée après plus de quarante ans de dictature et porter une attention particulière au nouveau schéma communicationnel que l’Espagne a dû se réinventer, en s’inspirant des pratiques marketing déjà ancrées chez ses homologues européens et américains. Encouragé par l’augmentation du nombre de convocations électorales, la prolifération des discours parlementaires et l’essor des moyens de communication de masse, un nouveau jeu de langage politique est né entre les acteurs de cette communication politique que sont les hommes politiques, les médias et l’opinion publique. Aussi, insérés dans un contexte socio-historique extrêmement riche, les discours politiques prononcés dans l’Espagne démocratique (1982-2008) par le PP et le PSOE en campagne ou hors campagne sont non seulement révélateurs de l’évolution d’une société démocratique en quête de construction et de reconnaissance sur la scène internationale ; ils marquent également la fin des clivages idéologiques. La diversité de mon corpus a cherché à lever le voile sur la nouvelle parole politique, tiraillée entre la transmission des idéologies et la politique spectacle. La première partie de ce travail de recherche jette les bases théoriques de la communication politique et du discours politique généralisables à toutes les démocraties occidentales, en centrant son attention sur le cas espagnol, qui a su adapter sa manière de communiquer et de produire des discours dans la sphère politique aux exigences contemporaines sous l’égide du marketing politique. La seconde partie interroge les spots électoraux émis par les deux partis majoritaires au cours des élections législatives de 1982 à 2008 du point de vue des stratégies discursives en portant une attention particulière à l’image. La troisième partie livre une analyse lexicale des discours d’investiture prononcés depuis 1982 par les chefs de gouvernement espagnols, étude complétée par une analyse du contenu qui met en exergue les caractéristiques de chacun d’entre eux et confronte chaque allocution au débat qui a opposé le candidat aspirant à la Moncloa au porte-parole de l’opposition. / In this thesis, I intend to investigate the Spanish means of political communication that have been reactivated after more than forty years of dictatorship, and to pay particular attention to the new communication strategy that Spain has had to reinvent, by drawing inspiration from marketing practices already well established in her European and American counterparts. Encouraged by the increase in the number of elections, the proliferation of parliamentary speeches and the development of mass media, a new kind of political language has come about between the political communicators who are the politicians, the media, and the public. Furthermore, set in an extremely rich socio-historic context, the political speeches delivered in democratic Spain (1982-2008) by the PP and the PSOE during or outside their campaigns not only deal with a society in transition to democracy and which is internationally recognised on the but they also mark the end of ideological splits. The variety of documents in my corpus aims at unveiling the new political vocabulary, pulled between conveying ideologies and « showbiz politics ». The first part of this research lays the foundations of political communication and political language that can be applied to all western democracies, focusing on the Spanish case which was able to adapt its way of communicating and producing speeches in the political sphere to the contemporary requirements under the aegis of political marketing. The second part questions t both major parties’ party political broadcast during the general elections from 1982 to 2008 from the strategic point of view of the speeches, by paying particular attention to images. Third part is a lexical analysis of nomination speeches since 1982 by successive Spanish heads of government. This study is completed by an analysis of the content of the speeches and compares every political commentary with the debate that set the candidate aspiring to the Moncloa against the opposition’s spokesman.

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Studien “Vi gör det för att vi älskar Sverige” syftar till att belysa hur en politikers diskurstillämpning i en svensk valrörelse kan exkludera etniska och kulturella grupper. Specifikt studeras hur Sverigedemokraternas partiledare Jimmie Åkesson tillämpar en etno-nationalistisk diskurs i sina tal på Långholmen, i Almedalen och i Sölvesborg under valrörelsen 2018. Studien undersöker därmed hur etno-nationalism kommer till uttryck i Åkessons tal och hur den etno-nationalistiska diskursen förändras utifrån kontexterna rumslig dimension, målgrupp och historia. Det teoretiska ramverket utgår från kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) där även begreppen diskurs, nationalistisk diskurs samt den retoriska aspekten förklaras. Studiens metod och analysbegrepp utgår från CDA och Norman Faircloughs tredimensionella modell, som gör det möjligt att identifiera underliggande maktstrukturer och bidra till kritisk språkmedvetenhet kring exkluderande diskurser i svensk politik. Samtliga tal analyseras på Norman Faircloughs textnivå, för att sedan jämföras på den diskursiva och sociala nivån i hans tredimensionella modell. Analysresultatet visade att Åkessons etno-nationalistiska diskurs förändras efter vilken kontext talen gavs i. Gemensamt för samtliga tal var att Åkesson förespråkar assimilering eller exkludering när han tillämpar en tydlig etno-nationalistisk diskurs. Resultatet visade också att en etno-nationalistisk diskurs inte nödvändigtvis behövde uttryckas tydligare inför en redan ideologiskt övertygad publik.

Le présent travail a pour objet le traitement du passé de la RDA dans l’espace public à l’occasion des commémorations du 17 juin 1953, du 9 novembre 1989 et du 3 octobre 1990, dans les discours officiels et dans la presse. Son objectif est d’étudier le processus de construction d’une mémoire commune de ce passé, mémoire qui participe à l’élaboration d’une identité allemande commune. L’analyse porte d’une part sur les commémorations en tant qu’initiatives politiques de traitement du passé dans l’espace public. Elle met en évidence le traitement « anhistorique » du passé de la RDA dans les discours officiels prononcés lors de ces commémorations. L’étude de leur couverture par la presse montre le rôle de ce média dans le traitement du passé de la RDA.Les commémorations correspondent d’autre part à une focalisation de l’espace public sur le passé de la RDA. L’étude du traitement du passé par la presse à ces occasions met en évidence les réactions de citoyens de l’ancienne RDA à la mémoire « officielle ». Elle révèle la pluralité des mémoires de la RDA telles qu’elles s’expriment dans la presse. Le caractère particulier de la presse régionale est-allemande dans ce traitement du passé est également analysé, à travers l’exemple de la Sächsische Zeitung. Il se dégage de la confrontation et interprétation des sources une nette fragmentation de la mémoire de la RDA en Allemagne, qui s’articule en particulier autour d’une opposition entre mémoire « d’en haut » et mémoire « d’en bas ». Cette opposition souligne la nécessité de négociations entre responsables politiques et citoyens pour passer d’une mémoire événementielle à une mémoire culturelle de la RDA. / The present study explores how the GDR’s past is remembered on the occasion of the commemorations of 17th June 1953, 9th November 1989 and 3rd October 1990, in official speeches and in the press. Its purpose is to investigate the construction of a common memory of this past, which participates in the elaboration of a common German identity.First, it analyses commemorations as a voluntary act of the political management of memory in the public space. It points out how “ahistorical” the official memory of the GDR expressed in official commemoration speeches is. The way the press covers these speeches indicates the role of this media in dealing with the GDR’s past.But commemorations are also an opportunity for discussing and debating about the past in the public space. Citizens of the former GDR react against the “official” memory imposed by politicians through commemorations, which explains why commemorations reveal other types of memories. The thesis examines different aspects of collective memory expressed in the press. Specificities of the East German local press (especially the Sächsische Zeitung) in these processes are also analysed.The confrontation and the interpretation of different sources highlight the fragmentation of GDR memory in Germany, especially the opposition between a memory coming “from the top” (politicians) and a memory coming “from the bottom” (citizens). This opposition underlines the necessity for negotiations in order to operate a transition from an event-oriented memory of the GDR to a cultural one.

The diploma thesis "Some Features of Persuasive Language in Selected Presidential Campaign Speeches of Two Candidates" aims to investigate how the rhetorical device of conceptual metaphor is employed in the election campaign speeches of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney addressed mainly to the Hispanic voters to develop the myth of the American Dream. The political speeches were analyzed under the theoretical framework of the critical metaphor analysis and critical discourse analysis. Besides the analysis of the metaphorical concepts that support the myth creation, other rhetorical devices were examined in the selected corpus of the both speeches for their persuasive function.

Från Reagan till Trump: Populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet 1980–2017 är en kandidatuppsats av Angelica Carlsson. Syftet med studien är att förklara förekomsten av populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet i USA under tidsperioden 1980–2017. Populistiska uttryck i politiska tal av presidenterna Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush och Donald Trump undersöks och graderas utifrån Kirk A. Hawkins sex kriterier över populism. Talen analyseras också utifrån de teoretiska begreppen tunn respektive tjock populism. För att förklara de populistiska uttrycken beaktar studien den historiska kontexten och utvecklingslinjer inom det republikanska partiet. Utifrån studiens resultat kan konstateras att de populistiska uttrycken är högst i Reagans och Trumps tal, medan Bushs tal har en lägre grad av populism. I studien förklaras detta utifrån den historiska kontexten, där 1980 och 2016 präglades av mer politisk instabilitet än 2000. Studien belyser hur populism inte uppstår ur tomma intet utan ska förstås i relation till kontexten i vilken den uttrycks. / From Reagan to Trump: Populist expressions within the Republican Party 1980–2017 is a bachelor thesis by Angelica Carlsson. The aim of the thesis is to explain populist expressions within the Republican Party in the United States during the period 1980–2017. Populist expressions in political speeches by the presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald Trump are investigated and graded based on Kirk A. Hawkin's criteria of populism. The thesis is also taking the theoretical terms thin and thick populism into consideration. In order to explain the populist expressions the historical context and the historical development of the Republican Party is taken into account. The main findings of the thesis is that Reagan's and Trump's speeches has the highest degree of populist expressions, while Bush's speeches has a lower degree of populist expressions. The study explains this from the historical context, where 1980 and 2016 were characterized by more political instability than 2000. The study illustrates how populism does not arise from nothing and should be understood in relation to the historical context.