O objetivo central desta tese é desenvolver a análise de três bancos centrais e seu desenho institucional para o exercício do poder monetário. O estudo visa a analisar mecanismos de hard law (estabelecido por tratados, constituições ou leis) destinados à accountability política e social de três bancos centrais: Banco Central do Brasil (Bacen), Banco Central Europeu (BCE) e Federal Reserve dos Estados Unidos (Fed). Este trabalho também pretende explorar mecanismos de soft law criados por iniciativa de bancos centrais, os quais desempenham papel importante para a sua legitimidade e para sua accountability. Este estudo adota uma abordagem jurídica específica: o direito e a análise jurídica como mecanismos de imaginação institucional em uma democracia política. O direito é concebido como instrumento para a estruturação da accountability política e social da gestão monetária por bancos centrais. Esta tese sustenta que os mecanismos de prestação de contas e responsabilização de autoridades monetárias podem sustentar a legitimidade de suas ações no tempo. As principais hipóteses deste estudo são: (i) os mecanismos de hard law parecem não revelar todos os instrumentos de accountability para os bancos centrais estudados; (ii) apesar de esses mecanismos representarem importante componente de sua moldura jurídica, destinada a assegurar sua prestação de contas e sua responsabilização política e social, instrumentos de soft law têm provocado mudanças institucionais significativas (e de forma mais rápida) na legitimidade e na accountability desses bancos centrais; (iii) o contexto institucional nos quais bancos centrais operam é variável relevante para se pensar sobre o desenho de mecanismos jurídicos de accountability; e (iv) com base nas hipóteses (i) a (iii), este estudo entende que a concepção e o papel do direito nesse domínio precisariam ser repensados e reconstruídos e esta tese apresenta algumas propostas nesse intuito. / The central goal of this dissertation is to develop an analysis of three central banks and their institutional design for the exercise of monetary power. The study aims at analyzing hard law mechanisms (established by treaties, constitutions or statutes) for the political and social accountability of three central banks: Brazilian Central Bank (Bacen), European Central Bank (ECB) and Federal Reserve (Fed). The dissertation also intends to explore the soft law mechanisms created by the central banks themselves, which in some institutions play an important role for their legitimacy and accountability. This study provides a specific legal approach: law as an instrument of institutional design in a political democracy. It conceives law as an instrument for the construction of the monetary policys political and social accountability. This dissertation claims that the mechanisms of accountability can sustain the legitimacy of central banks actions. The hypotheses of this study are: (i) the current hard law framework does not reveal all the mechanisms for political and social accountability for the central banks under study; (ii) while hard law mechanisms still represent an important component of the framework designed to build and ensure political and social accountability, soft law mechanisms are causing more and faster institutional changes in central banks accountability and legitimacy; (iii) the institutional context in which central banks operate is a relevant variable in order to conceive the design of accountability mechanisms; and (iv) building on the findings of (i), (ii) and (iii), the conception and the role of law in this domain have to be rethought and rebuilt and the dissertation presents some proposals in that purpose.

The White Paper on National Transport Policy (SA, 1996:12) identified the fragmentation of functions between different spheres of government as one of the main obstacles besetting the effective development and management of the transport system. It endorsed one of the principles in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Ad 108 of 1996, to devolve functions to the lowest appropriate sphere of government if it could be more effectively handled and if there was capacity to perform the functions. In pursuing the above objective, the purpose of this study was to determine the functionality of the West Rand District Municipality in terms of administrative as well as economic and transport management principles to fulfil the role as a transport authority in terms of the NLTTA for its present area of jurisdiction. The study therefore addressed the legal framework as well as transport and economic indicators defining the functional area of a transport authority. In determining the nature and extent of functions as fulfilled by the respective municipalities, use was made of dichotomous questionnaires. These findings were also supported with technical data based on surveys conducted through the Gauteng Household Travel Survey (2000) and the Operating Licensing Strategy (200212003). To further operationalise the research objectives of this study, and touching on Great Britain's transport experience over the past 75 years, a comparison was made between the present status of Transport Authorities in the United Kingdom, compared to those in South Africa (Gauteng Province). Upon analysing the empirical findings it was evident that the establishment of a Transport Authority for the area of jurisdiction of the West Rand would enable the WRDM to deliver on the following number of fronts: • Coherent Alignment to a Common Vision • Integration of Transport System • Control over Transport Modes • Optimised Utilisation of Funds To create a conducive environment for a West Rand Transport Authority to improve its functionality, it was recommended that serious attention be given to aspects such as funding mechanisms, legality of municipal entities, clarity on the status of transport powers at municipal level of government, assignment of functions and human resource capacity. Upon conclusion it was agreed that the successful implementation of a functional transport authority for the West Rand will be dependant, not only upon technical expertise and management and by resolving the above issues, but also on political support. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.

Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique. / What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support.

Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.

The White Paper on National Transport Policy (SA, 1996:12) identified the fragmentation of functions between different spheres of government as one of the main obstacles besetting the effective development and management of the transport system. It endorsed one of the principles in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Ad 108 of 1996, to devolve functions to the lowest appropriate sphere of government if it could be more effectively handled and if there was capacity to perform the functions. In pursuing the above objective, the purpose of this study was to determine the functionality of the West Rand District Municipality in terms of administrative as well as economic and transport management principles to fulfil the role as a transport authority in terms of the NLTTA for its present area of jurisdiction. The study therefore addressed the legal framework as well as transport and economic indicators defining the functional area of a transport authority. In determining the nature and extent of functions as fulfilled by the respective municipalities, use was made of dichotomous questionnaires. These findings were also supported with technical data based on surveys conducted through the Gauteng Household Travel Survey (2000) and the Operating Licensing Strategy (200212003). To further operationalise the research objectives of this study, and touching on Great Britain's transport experience over the past 75 years, a comparison was made between the present status of Transport Authorities in the United Kingdom, compared to those in South Africa (Gauteng Province). Upon analysing the empirical findings it was evident that the establishment of a Transport Authority for the area of jurisdiction of the West Rand would enable the WRDM to deliver on the following number of fronts: • Coherent Alignment to a Common Vision • Integration of Transport System • Control over Transport Modes • Optimised Utilisation of Funds To create a conducive environment for a West Rand Transport Authority to improve its functionality, it was recommended that serious attention be given to aspects such as funding mechanisms, legality of municipal entities, clarity on the status of transport powers at municipal level of government, assignment of functions and human resource capacity. Upon conclusion it was agreed that the successful implementation of a functional transport authority for the West Rand will be dependant, not only upon technical expertise and management and by resolving the above issues, but also on political support. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.

Entrepreneurship is often linked to some of the most compelling economic and social issues of our time and can therefore be emphasised as essential and relevant. This thesis puts entrepreneurial behaviour in the spotlight and adopts the theoretical lens that enterprises may act as rent-seekers, striving to influence the distribution of income and wealth at the political level for their personal benefit. Because the resources expended on political influence can be seen as non-productive, this entrepreneurial behaviour harms innovation, competitiveness, and the economy as a whole. This work is based on two case studies from two institutionally, politically and socially different contexts and aims to understand the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises under conditions of governance. Accordingly, cases of Anaklia Deep Sea Port in Georgia and Nord Stream 2 in Germany are brought up for further scrutiny and analysis. The study emphasises the relevance of entrepreneurship as a contextual phenomenon and concludes that governance conditions of a country can have different influences on the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises. Moreover, this study develops a conceptual generalisation and provides opportunities for further studies.

Esta tesis trata tres temas diferentes: (1) El efecto de la distribución del ingreso sobre los niveles de conflicto; (2) el efecto de la descentralización sobre la corrupción; (3) el efecto del número de partidos sobre las negociaciones parlamentarias. Primero, se muestra que bajos ciertas circunstancias una menor desigualdad no implica un menor nivel de conflicto. Así, contrario a la creencia común, una mejora en la distribución del ingreso no siempre reduce la intensidad de los conflictos. Segundo, se muestra que la descentralización política no necesariamente reduce la corrupción cuando existen elites locales poderosas. Esto explica el poco existo que han tenido las reformas de descentralización en países en vía de desarrollo. Por último, se prueba que un mayor número de partidos no siempre vuelve más complejas las negociaciones parlamentarias. El que un partido de gobierno prefiera negociar con muchos o pocos partidos depende críticamente del nivel de polarización ideológica. / This thesis deals with three different topics: (1) The effect of income distribution on conflict intensity; (2) the effect of decentralization on corruption; (3) the effect of the number of parties on the negotiation outcomes in a legislature. First, we show that under certain circumstances more income equality does not imply less conflict intensity. Thus, opposite to the common wisdom, it is not always true that improvements in income distribution reduce the level of conflict. Second, we show that political decentralization may not be successful in reducing corruption in the presence of powerful local elites. This result explains the low impact of the decentralization reforms on corruption in developing countries. Finally, we prove that a large number of parties does not necessarily complicate the policymaking process in a legislature. Whether a government party prefers to negotiate with many or some few parties depends critically on the level of ideological polarization.