The world’s increasing interconnectedness and the recent increase in the number of notable regional and international events pose greater and greater challenges for political decision-making, especially the decision to strengthen bilateral economic relationships between friendly nations. Typically, such critical decisions are influenced by certain factors and variables that are based on heterogeneous and vague information that exists in different domains. A serious problem that the decision-maker faces is the difficulty in building efficient political decision support systems (DSS) with heterogeneous factors. One must take many factors into account, for example, language (natural or human language), the availability, or lack thereof, of precise data (vague information), and possible consequences (rule conclusions). The basic concept is a linguistic variable whose values are words rather than numbers and are therefore closer to human intuition. A common language is thus needed to describe such information which requires human knowledge for interpretation. To achieve robustness and efficiency of interpretation, we need to apply a method that can be used to generate high-level knowledge and information integration. Fuzzy logic is based on natural language and is tolerant of imprecise data. Fuzzy logic’s greatest strength lies in its ability to handle imprecise data, and it is perfectly suited for this situation. In this thesis, we propose to use ontology to integrate the scattered information resources from the political and investment domains. The process started with understanding each concept and extracting key ideas and relationships between sets of information by constructing object paradigm ontology. Re-engineering according to the object-paradigm (OP) provided quality for the developed ontology where conceptualization can provide more expressive, reusable object and temporal ontology. Then fuzzy logic has been integrated with ontology. And a fuzzy ontology membership value that reflects the strength of an inter-concept relationship to represent pairs of concepts across ontology has been consistently used. Each concept is assigned a fixed numerical value representing the concept consistency. Concept consistency is computed as a function of strength of all the relationships associated with the concept. Fuzzy expert systems enable one to weigh the consequences (rule conclusions) of certain choices based on vague information. Rule conclusions follow from rules composed of two parts, the if antecedent (input) and the then consequent (output). With fuzzy expert systems, one uses fuzzy logic toolbox graphical user interface (GUI) tools to build up a fuzzy inference system (FIS) to aid in decision-making. This research includes four main phases to develop a prototype architecture for an intelligent DSS that can help top political decision makers.

Title of Thesis¡GThe Effect of Taiwan Local Factions on Local Election¡XA Case Study on Fongsan City in Kaohsiung County Department¡GIn-service Master Program, Institute of Interdisciplinary Studies for Social Sciences, National Sun Yat-Sen University Professor¡GDr. Chang, Tao-Yi Graduate Student¡GWu, Chu-Hui Key words¡Glocal factions, election, change of ruling parties, political domain, patronage-clientelism, multiple-party trend Election is a symbol of universal value of democratization. The birth of local factions in Taiwan is closely related to election. Ever since the move to Taiwan, the government of National Party (Kuomintang), with the intention to solidify its political power, took the united and monopolized economic interests in different districts as the conditions to exchange for local powers or the devotion of political loyalty from the leaders of different ideas. For a long time these people with actual local power have been training a lot of ¡§pile legs¡¨ and loyal supporters. With the help of them, a gigantic social relationship network is established. After that, through elections, they enter the local governments of different townships in various counties and cities, or step on the stage of the parliament, thus forming influential political power. The basic function of local factions is exerted on election. In the process of election, local factions play a pushing role in the political participation, and monopolize the local political and social resources. Nevertheless, after local factions have gone through the change of ruling parties and the rearrangement of political domains in the year 2000, whether the patronage-clientelism has any subtle changes subsequently caused is worthy of making in-depth observation. Kaohsiung County is a place of origin for democratization of Taiwan, and Fongshan City is a major township with political and economic influences in Kaohsiung County. With the change of ruling parties and under the impacts of financial reforms, the thesis mainly investigates the past and current situations of local factions in Fongshan City, and expects to further clarify whether factions will develop towards the multiple-party trend.

nÃo hà / Este trabalho resgata no contexto da educaÃÃo brasileira, à reconstruÃÃo histÃrica e polÃtica do professor, identificando sua aÃÃo profissional e valorizaÃÃo social. De modo a fazer um esquadrinhamento de seu papel como educador sob a hegemonia do poder. Cujo objetivo geral à retratar o contexto polÃtico dos modelos da profissÃo docente, por meio da descriÃÃo de fatos e fenÃmenos histÃricos, buscando identificar na histÃria da educaÃÃo brasileira a condiÃÃo polÃtica do professor frente os interesses das polÃticas dos sistemas de governos as quais impactaram na formaÃÃo e atuaÃÃo. a metodologia se constitui de uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica e documental. Quanto ao mÃtodo proposto, o trabalho compreende uma descriÃÃo do processo polÃtico e histÃrico do modelo da profissÃo docente em quatro contextos: o primeiro no Brasil colonial, em que, inicialmente, sÃo tratados os aspectos remotos da profissÃo do professor, desde o Egito sob a Ãgide do poder absoluto do faraÃ, atà o momento em que o professor passa a ser do domÃnio da igreja; o segundo caracteriza o professor no modelo de dominaÃÃo colonial e imperial e traz uma abordagem dos conflitos de interesses polÃticos, religiosos e monÃrquicos no delineamento da profissÃo docente; no terceiro modelo polÃtico do professor sob o domÃnio republicano e os conflitos entre o estado e a sociedade; e o quarto modelo polÃtico de professor no estado democrÃtico sob as influÃncias norte-americanas no campo das polÃticas pÃblicas. E por Ãltimo, as anÃlises dos dados, sendo observado o professor, como protagonista, subordinado aos ÃrgÃos de controle de poder hegemonicamente e historicamente constituÃdos. Revelado que sua aÃÃo profissional, atende as concepÃÃes ideolÃgicas de Estado, pelo qual à formado e exerce suas atividades, sem autonomia polÃtica, sendo subordinado a uma formaÃÃo que carece de desenvolvimento crÃtico da prÃpria identidade profissional. / This work rescues in the context of Brazilian education, to the historical and political reconstruction of the teacher, identifying his professional action and social valorization. In order to make a scrutiny of his role as educator under the hegemony of power. The general objective is to portray the political context of the models of the teaching profession, through the description of historical facts and phenomena, seeking to identify in the history of Brazilian education the political condition of the teacher facing the interests of the policies of the government systems that have impacted the formation and acting. the methodology consists of a bibliographical and documentary research. As to the proposed method, the work comprises a description of the political and historical process of the model of the teaching profession in four contexts: the first in colonial Brazil, in which the remote aspects of the teacher profession, from Egypt under the aegis of the absolute power of the pharaoh, until the moment when the professor happens to be of the dominion of the church; the second characterizes the teacher in the model of colonial and imperial domination and brings an approach to conflicts of political, religious and monarchical interests in the delineation of the teaching profession; in the third political model of the teacher under republican rule and the conflicts between the state and society; and the fourth political model of teacher in the democratic state under US influence in the field of public policy. And lastly, the analysis of the data, being observed the teacher, as protagonist, subordinated to the power control organs hegemonically and historically constituted. Revealed that its professional action, attends the ideological conceptions of State, whereby it is formed and carries on its activities, without political autonomy, being subordinated to a formation that lacks the critical development of its own professional identity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Roberto da Silva.pdf: 2533062 bytes, checksum: b4d98c756c4ec23619724e23b603ed5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-17 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / The proposal of our research is to contemplate about the distinctions of "concept ethical" in the deprived life and political existent between Maquiavel and Calvino. Although both have lived in the same historical period and have been formed with the own Humanism of the time, we detached a distinction between Maquiavel and Calvino found substantially, kept the relationships, between the natural law and the contractual law. Some political changes affected Rome and Florence where Maquiavel was born, and they contributed in your perspective ethics-politics. There are doubts if purposed guides the Prince or the people, so that this understood how the model of overbearing principality worked. Maquiavel composed your political perspective for the discard of the ideal of the Christian ethics, to assume a secularized ideal. Your purpose was the conservation of the State. Already, the effervescences religious, theological and politics composed the scenery of the Reformer. For Calvino, the relationship ethics-politics is understood inside of the subject of the Christian mercy. Then, your fight against the ones that disturbed the kingdom of France and your thought of the King s nobleman occupation, that it should reign by the sacred texts. By virtue of an influence Maquiaveliana in Brazilian reality, is wanted to dialogue with the two thinkers, verifying the dominance form for them proposals, and to discuss as these approaches feels in the Brazilian political field. / A proposta de nossa pesquisa é refletir sobre as distinções de "conceito ético" na vida privada e política existentes entre Maquiavel e Calvino. Embora ambos tenham vivido no mesmo período histórico e tenham sido formados com o Humanismo próprio da época, destacamos uma distinção entre Maquiavel e Calvino encontrada substancialmente, guardadas as relações, entre a lei natural e a lei contratual. Algumas mudanças políticas afetaram Roma e Florença onde Maquiavel nasceu, e contribuíram na sua perspectiva ética-política. Há dúvidas se propositava orientar o Príncipe ou o povo, para que este compreendesse como funcionava o modelo de principado despótico. Maquiavel compunha sua perspectiva política pelo descarte do ideário da ética cristã, para assumir um ideário secularizado. Sua finalidade era a conservação do Estado. Já, as efervescências religiosas, teológicas e políticas compunham o cenário do Reformador. Para Calvino, a relação ética-política é compreendida dentro do assunto da piedade cristã. Daí, sua luta contra os que perturbavam o reino da França e sua preceituação do nobre ofício do Rei, que devia reinar mediante os textos sagrados. Em virtude de uma influência Maquiaveliana na realidade brasileira, deseja-se dialogar com os dois pensadores, verificando a forma de dominação por eles propostas, e discutir como estas abordagens dão-se no campo político brasileiro.