The State of Northern Ireland has been home to a significant amount of violence between a minority of Catholic Irish nationalists and a majority of Protestant British unionists. As a result, violence has plagued the region, with the loss of over three thousand five hundred lives during the course of three decades, colloquially known as "the troubles." In 1998, the Belfast or "Good Friday" Agreement was signed by officials from The United Kingdom and The Republic of Ireland to ensure a diplomatic means of cooperation amongst the various political parties of Northern Ireland, and disarmament of paramilitary groups. However, the desire for nationalists to unify the island and to seek total independence from the United Kingdom still endures. In spite of a significant decrease in violence, dissident republicans continue to target the Police Service of Northern Ireland, with the intent to disrupt the peace process; the people of Northern Ireland are still polarized regarding their political and national standings, which decrease the chances of Irish reunification in the near future. The intent of this thesis is to explore the feasibility of Irish reunification in the 21st century, and its reasons why a united Ireland will not be obtained. By examining the global policy towards terrorism after September 11th 2001, the recent net-immigration to Ireland preceded by the "Celtic Tiger" period in The Republic of Ireland's economic boon, and the complexities of the perceived identities in Northern Ireland, the unlikelihood of reunifying Ireland under one government, independent from the United Kingdom will be reiterated.

In the empirical literature on the revenue consequences of trade liberalization, most studies have focused on cross-country analysis. Because these studies are static in nature, they have not addressed the short-run and long-run dynamic public revenue and public investment consequences of economic reforms in developing countries. This dissertation contributes to the literature employing a dynamic time series analysis of the three East African countries-Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. The dissertation uses a co-integration and error-correction framework to distinguish between short-run and long-run relationships. The results indicate that trade reforms in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda had varying impacts on government revenue, tax performance and public investment spending in these three countries. It is demonstrated that trade reforms had adverse impact on government revenue in Uganda, but not in Tanzania and Kenya. The results also show that Tanzania has had the weakest overall tax revenue and public investment. Poor tax performance and erratic revenue generation have been problems in all three countries, contributing to adverse impacts on public investment spending.

This dissertation investigates the impact of organic farming for achieving the environmental and social objectives of sustainability in Europe over the past 20 years. Organic farming is considered the poster child of rural development in Europe, often seen as a model of the integration of small-scale production with environmental considerations. Since this model runs counter to the logic of developing capitalist structures in agriculture, I revisit the Marxian predictions regarding the "agrarian question". Furthermore, I trace the discursive changes in support of small-scale production in the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), and assess whether small farms have improved their situation under the revised CAP. Subsequently, I use statistical analysis in order to assess the socio-economic and the environmental consequences of the rise in organic farming. Contrary to what is often assumed, organic farms in Europe display larger average sizes and lower rates of labor intensity than their conventional counterparts, casting doubts on the efficacy of organic farms to allow family farmers to remain in the countryside as high-value producers. I argue that this this development should be viewed as further evidence of the "conventionalization" of organic farming. In order to explain the process which led to such an outcome, I proceed to explain the different ways through which organic farms could overcome traditional problems which impeded the capitalist development of agriculture. Regarding the environmental implications, I evaluate the rise of organic farming by assessing its impact for different countries' overall pesticide and fertilizer intensity. My results are mixed, with higher organic shares being correlated with decreased application of fertilizer, but less significant results for pesticide intensity.

This thesis examines how Afghan women from the professional social class have negotiated the patriarchy in that country and claimed their agency and public life during different political regimes. Resisting the Western representation of Afghan women as passive victims, it uses the life story method, based on interviews with a wide range of women in public life during the period of US-sponsored democracy and intervention, to analyse the complex factors involved in enabling women to access public life. From a historical sociological viewpoint it examines the shifts in the forms of patriarchy and their sustaining gender regimes from 19th century to the present, and draws on Walby’s six structures of patriarchy in order to understand how those shift affected the ability of women to access public life and employment. Those structures – culture, religion, education, employment, family – are explored through the experiences and life histories of my interviewees. The thesis also pays attention to the involvement of external, foreign actors in the affairs of Afghanistan and the impact of those interventions on the possibility for women’s agency and participation in professional and public life through different political regimes. It thus challenges a simplistic view 9/11 was a water-shed moment for women’s empowerment, and notes that the economic is-sues, an aid-dependent economy and political regimes, security and safety, poverty and psychological trauma, corruption and power struggles among different forces (local and foreign) in many ways undermined women’s prospects in public life. The finding of the research shows that the rights and position of women in Afghanistan have fluctuated over the last 100 years depending on the patriarchal cultural, political and religious ideology and practice of the political regimes, and in no small part due to the influence and interference of external actors in the country.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation is an examination of rural Hoosiers, and in particular to what extent they accepted outside assistance against a backdrop of disruption brought about by mechanization, depression, and in some cases dislocation in the first half of the twentieth century. The "farm experts" from Purdue University, and "government men" from federal agencies came to assist rural Hoosiers cope with the “Farm Problem,” joining a succession of outsiders who came to help. Those who came to the rescue confronted a particular quality of character influenced by environmental elements, migration patterns, and received world views. The study uses a range of sources. A wealth of secondary scholarship was written shortly after the end of rural New Deal programs during World War II. Purdue Experiment Station research publications, Purdue Extension annual reports, county Extension agents’ reports, farm journals, newspaper reporting and editorials, congressional records, records and promotional materials of the Resettlement Administration and its successor the Farm Security Administration, and personal correspondence all give voice to actors and observers at the time. This study contributes to our understanding of rural New Deal initiatives in the Midwest as witnessed through an Indiana lens. The inquiry reveals the uneven and sometimes incoherent nature of “progress” as promoted by agents of change. Try as they might, rural Hoosiers could not resist or control forces of change in the face of worldwide crisis of economic disruption, ideological confrontation, and military aggression.</p>

This thesis examines the political economy of national ownership in situations of aid-dependent and oil-dependent, with particular reference to the case of the reconstruction of the healthcare system in Timor-Leste. The study demonstrates that, in a range of areas, the FRETILIN government (2002-2007) was able to exercise some autonomous decision-making even though it was heavily aid dependent. Conversely, under CNRT government (2007-2017), elites were empowered by oil resources and consequently they had greater control over development. The study identifies three main approaches used in development policy-making: patronage-based, populist and rationalist, and argues that, from 2002 onwards, the Timorese government generally used patronage-based strategies that benefitted elite political networks, increasing corruption. However, the creation of a ‘modern’ healthcare system that would benefit future Timorese generations was central to elites’ political ideology and consequently healthcare became subject to populist rather than patronage-based politics. Analysis of four key health programmes, funded separately by the World Bank, the Cuban government, WHO, and USAID, shows that ownership in the field of healthcare has become concentrated among powerful groups (donors, elites, MoH, and the Church). Meanwhile, health professionals, who advocate a liberal approach, lack a political voice. These case studies indicate that the Paris Declaration’s focus on country ownership to ensure better aid delivery was unrealistic because, in reality, ‘ownership’ becomes subject to contestation among powerful actors with different power resources. Findings on the analysis of the four programmes also suggest that Timorese elites did not worry much about healthcare, rather than it being ‘central’ to their ideology. / Directorate General of Resources for Science, Technology and Higher Education, Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education of Indonesia

During the late 1970s Ghana was described as a collapsed and failed state. In contrast, today it is hailed internationally as beacon of democracy and stability in West Africa. In light of Ghana’s drastic image change from a fragile and even collapsed polity to a resilient state, this thesis contributes to the statebuilding debate by analysing the social change that occurred. Grounded in a critical theory approach the thesis applies a political settlement analysis to explore how power is distributed and changed over time between contending social groups; exploring the extent to which this is embedded in formal and informal institutional arrangements. Ghana’s 2012 elections serve as an empirical basis and lens to observe the country’s current settlement. This approach enables a fine grained within-case comparison with Ghana’s collapsed post-independent settlement. The analysis illustrates that while there has been no transformation of the Ghanaian state, however, continuous incremental structural change has occurred within it, as demonstrated by a structurally altered constellation of power. While internationally propagated (neo-)liberal economic and political reforms had a vital impact on the reconstruction process of state-society relations, Ghana’s labelling as “success story” evokes the distorted idea of a resilient liberal state. The sustainability of Ghana’s current settlement characterised by electoral competitive clientelism depends on a continued inflow of foreign capital. So far the mutually beneficial interest of portraying Ghana as a resilient state by its elites and donors ensures the flow of needed financial assistance to preserve the settlement. / Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC); European Commission Marie Curie Pre-doctoral Fellowship programme

The 21st century is likely to be shaped by the outcome of the Sino-American conflict. This thesis delves into the role of technology in shaping the economic growth and military prowess of states, with a specific focus on the Sino-American technological conflict. The study investigates four operational variables generated by the theory of economic nationalism: import/export restrictions, national innovation policies, talent acquisition policies, and trade diversification strategies to discern the strategies employed by China and the United States in their pursuit of technological dominance. Both nations actively align their policies with the principles of economic nationalism, recognizing the strategic significance of technological advancements in securing national interests. The findings show a congruency in the approaches adopted by China and the United States across the operational variables studied. The identified patterns contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the Sino-American technological conflict and highlight the broader applicability of the economic nationalism framework. The observed congruency with economic nationalism is not an isolated phenomenon but a broader trend applicable to other geopolitical contexts. Therefore, the theory serves as a valuable instrument for examining and comprehending conflicts, extending beyond technological conflicts to other contexts. This amplifies our capacity to investigate conflicts while simultaneously validating the significance of economic nationalism as a theoretical framework. / <p>2024-01-12</p>

In 1979, Iran underwent the Islamic Revolution, which radically changed society. The Iranian Revolution Guard (IRGC) was born from the revolution and has witnessed its role in society changed over time. Many have said the IRGC has reached the apex of its power and is one of if not the dominating force in Iranian society. The most recent extension of the IRGC's control is in the economic realm. The purpose of this research is to explain the reasoning and mechanism behind this recent gain in power. The literature review demonstrates flaws by previous studies of Iran. Most used a singular focus on explaining the IRGC's influence on Iran's economy by only focusing on political or economic aspects. This study will show how explaining the political economy of Iran best explains the role of the IRGC in Iran. The research uses event-data analysis to synthesize previous research performed on Iran. The researcher used various sources to explain the recent rise in the IRGC's power. Focus was placed on explaining three aspects of Iran's political economy, elected institutions, accountable businesses, and unaccountable businesses. Elected institutions included the majlis (the Iranian parliament) and the presidency. Accountable businesses included businesses which reported information to the Iranian central government while unaccountable businesses reported no information to the Iranian central government. Although presence in all three increased, elected institutions and accountable businesses witnessed a greater amount of presence than unaccountable institutions.

No description available.