This dissertation focuses on the impact of China’s need for sustained access to oil resources in post-Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) Sudan and Southern Sudan. Applying an integrated conceptual framework (a combination of economic nationalism and Daniel Yergin’s three themes in which the political narratives of oil are grounded), China’s domestic drivers can be identified as the augmentation and security of national power, economic growth and autonomy, modernisation and substantial industrialisation. In order to fulfil these aims, China has a great need for natural resources, especially oil. A prime example of China’s pursuit of sustained access to oil resources is its involvement in the greater Sudan. As a result of the vast amounts of oil, as well as the absence of western competition, Sudan became an obvious choice for China. As a result of the signing of the CPA in 2005, China has had to adjust its principle of upholding formal state sovereignty (and its exclusive relationship with Sudan (Khartoum)), which practically means that it can engage with Southern Sudan (most importantly to secure its vast oil interests in the region). Evidence presented in this dissertation would suggest that it is likely that the greater Sudan is descending towards a possible violent breakup - the main reason being that the CPA has not been fully implemented, largely as a result of Sudan’s (Khartoum) attempts to stall and/or derail the CPA to continue its control over oil resources and the subordination of Southern Sudan. China is arguably the only state that has positive relations with, and substantial influence in, both Sudan (Khartoum) and (albeit to a lesser extent) Southern Sudan. Taking into account that the establishment of a context conducive to stability and peace in the greater Sudan is in its best strategic interest, China has a responsibility (to itself as well as to the greater Sudan) to bring Sudan (Khartoum) and Southern Sudan to the table to negotiate the most pressing issues. It can use its position as most important investor and importer of Sudanese oil to apply pressure on both sides to reach agreements on key outstanding matters, as well as to establish a framework for the road ahead. Even though China is in some circles regarded as Africa’s new colonising power, and even though there are many negative connotations attached to China’s modus operandi on the continent, it now has both the opportunity and the ability to use its influence to help bring about lasting peace to a country devastated by decades of civil war. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This paper examines the phenomenon of economic nationalism within market interactions of different economic models of governance in the European Union. The first section offers a retrospective of economic nationalism interpretations at different periods of time, with a focus on the past century. It also introduces the reader to new forms of economic nationalism, particular for the European integration context and which ultimately represent the subject of this paper. Next the study focuses on the particularities of the European economic model and its relation to state interventionism. It also attempts to identify EU's mandate of action and instruments in this direction, with a special attention to the key economic sectors and dominant forms of interventionism. The last chapter provides a closer look at national regulatory traditions of three economic models: British, German and French and traces approaches to economic nationalism within these distinct models of economic governance.

This thesis analyses economic nationalism from a historical perspective and it examines its forms and transformation based on the case study of France. The first chapter offers a brief introduction to the concept of economic nationalism. It places it into a larger context and it addresses its elements, forms and particularities. The following section attempts at a closer look at the doctrines of economic nationalism, emphasising differences in policy content in correlation with historical and political context. The third chapter closely examines the evolution of the French economic thinking within the process of nation-state building and economic modernisation. It attempts at tracing elements of economic nationalism and observing their transformation within changing historical circumstances. Finally, the last chapter focuses on the occurrence of economic nationalism within the French economic model in the twentieth century and under conditions of accelerated markets liberalisation and economic integration.

The 21st century is likely to be shaped by the outcome of the Sino-American conflict. This thesis delves into the role of technology in shaping the economic growth and military prowess of states, with a specific focus on the Sino-American technological conflict. The study investigates four operational variables generated by the theory of economic nationalism: import/export restrictions, national innovation policies, talent acquisition policies, and trade diversification strategies to discern the strategies employed by China and the United States in their pursuit of technological dominance. Both nations actively align their policies with the principles of economic nationalism, recognizing the strategic significance of technological advancements in securing national interests. The findings show a congruency in the approaches adopted by China and the United States across the operational variables studied. The identified patterns contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the Sino-American technological conflict and highlight the broader applicability of the economic nationalism framework. The observed congruency with economic nationalism is not an isolated phenomenon but a broader trend applicable to other geopolitical contexts. Therefore, the theory serves as a valuable instrument for examining and comprehending conflicts, extending beyond technological conflicts to other contexts. This amplifies our capacity to investigate conflicts while simultaneously validating the significance of economic nationalism as a theoretical framework. / <p>2024-01-12</p>

Given the importance that entrepreneurship and start-up businesses operating in technology-intensive sectors (biotechnologies, life sciences, renewable energy, artificial intelligence, information & communication technologies, software, etc.) have come to play as part of the processes of economic development and jobs creation, the access of such entrepreneurs and businesses to appropriate levels of corporate finance has become a major focus of policymakers in recent decades. Yet, this gave way to a wide variety of policy models across nation-states and even within nation-states, as levels of government and market actors adapted to those new challenges by refining or transforming pre-existing policies and institutions as well as by crafting new policy tools to address specific needs or interests. This thesis investigates the roots of such policy diversity within countries, offering in-depth accounts of the evolution of Quebec’s and Scotland’s policy strategies in the sector of development capital and sub-sector of venture capital since 1990. As compared to other regions’ or provinces’ in the United Kingdom (such as South East England) or Canada (such as Ontario), Quebec and Scottish regional venture capital ecosystems rely on a high degree of state intervention, either direct (through public investment funds) or indirect (through government-backed, hybrid or tax-advantaged funds). Hence the description of these two regions as “sponsor states,” heavily involved in the strategic backing of innovative businesses. Whereas most of the literature on venture capital has focused on economic variables to explain variations in such public sector involvement across polities however, this thesis seeks to explain policy divergence in Quebec and Scotland through a political and ideological lens. Its main argument is that the development of the venture capital ecosystems in these regions was underpinned by Québécois and Scottish nationalisms, which induced perceived imperatives and ideological preferences for policy autonomy, policy divergence, and state intervention. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis investigates the impacts of political ideas on economic policymaking. More specifically, it is a study into the effects of Québécois and Scottish nationalisms on regional policies in the sector of corporate finance, and subsector of venture capital. The question it was devised to answer is as follows: why is it that Quebec and Scotland developed particularly dynamic regional venture capital ecosystems, in which the state (through public investment funds) or state-backed investors (such as hybrid or tax-advantaged funds) play a leading role as compared with other Canadian or British regions? Through an in-depth process-tracing effort aimed at the uncovering of rationales underpinning major policy initiatives in this sector since 1990 and beyond, this thesis shows that minority nationalism contributed to the development of such ecosystems in key ways, notably by inducing perceived imperatives and preferences for policy autonomy, policy asymmetry, and state intervention.

The history of the ethnic borderlands of Hungary and Romania in the years 1867–1944 were marked by changing national borders, ethnic conflicts and economic problems. Using a local case study of the city and county of Szatmár/Satu-Mare, this thesis investigates the practice and social mechanisms of economic nationalizing. It explores the interplay between ethno-national and economic factors, and furthermore analyses what social mechanisms lead to and explain inclusion, exclusion and annihilation. The underlying principle of economic nationalizing in both countries was the separation of citizens into ethnic categories and the establishment of a dominant core nation entitled to political and economic privileges from the state. National leaders implemented a policy of economic nationalizing that exploited and redistributed resources taken from the minorities. To pursue this end, leaders instrumentalized ethnicity, which institutionalized inequality and ethnic exclusion. This process of ethnic, and finally racial, exclusion marked the whole period and reached its culmination in the annihilation of the Jews throughout most of Hungary in 1944. For nearly a century, ethnic exclusion undermined the various nationalizing projects in the two countries: the Magyarization of the minorities in dualist Hungary (1867–1918); the Romanianization of the economy of the ethnic borderland in interwar Romania (1918–1940); and finally the re-Hungarianization of the economy in Second World War Hungary (1940–1944). The extreme case of exclusion, namely the Holocaust, revealed that the path of exclusion brought nothing but destruction for everyone. This reinforces the thesis that economic nationalizing through the exclusion of minorities induces a vicious circle of ethnic bifurcation, political instability and unfavorable conditions for achieving economic prosperity. Exclusion served the short-term elite’s interest but undermined the long-term nation’s ability to prosper.

Cette thèse examine la bourgeoisie musulmane-turque marchande et industrielle, dans la période de la fondation de la République en Turquie. L’argument principal de cette étude consiste à prouver que les commerçants et les entrepreneurs musulmans-turcs dans les années 1920 constituaient une classe sociale qui cherchait à dominer économiquement, socialement et politiquement. Au début de la République, les commerçants et industriels musulman-turcs constituaient une classe qui possédait une culture et une idéologie commune, une vision englobante sur l'économie du pays. D'une part, cette étude révèle la composition interne de cette classe, les secteurs d'activité dont ses membres s'occupaient, leurs sources de richesse, leurs voies de développement. D'autre part, cette thèse révèle le rôle que joue cette classe sociale dans les années 1920 avec leurs demandes et leurs préoccupations, leur idéologie et leurs affiliations politique. / This thesis aims at demonstrate that Muslim-Turkish merchants and entrepreneurs in Turkey in the 1920’s constituted a social class, namely the national “bourgeoisie” of the country, seeking to dominate economically, socially and politically. At the beginning of the Republic, the Muslim-Turkish merchants and industrialists constituted a class which had a common culture and ideology, and a vision regarding the economy of the country in general. On one hand, this study reveals the internal composition of this class, its components, the business sectors they dealt with, the sources of their wealth and their paths of development, whereas on the other hand, it presents the role that this social class played in the 1920’s by focusing on their economic and political organizations, their demands and concerns, their ideology and political affiliations and finally on their relationship with the political power.

Maintaining rapid economic growth and protecting national sovereignty have been immovable national aims expressed in Chinese foreign policy behaviour since economic reforms were introduced in the late 1970s. Climate change, for its part, is a global concern and monetarily expensive issue which necessitates collective action. At face value, encouraging economic expansion and guarding national sovereignty could easily be viewed as conditions which oppose national actions to mitigate climate change and its potential effects. However in recent years, China has adopted a positive foreign policy tone expressing interest in mitigating climate change through the multilateral United Nations (UN) climate regime. Hence, China is a curious and perhaps contradictory participant in the UNFCCC regime’s institutions. This thesis seeks to answer the following research question: “Why is Chinese foreign policy able to balance supporting national economic development objectives and protect its sovereignty while also increasing UNFCCC multilateral cooperation to abate climate change?” In the course of answering this question, China’s foreign policy motivations in the climate regime are scrutinized using economic nationalism. Briefly, economic nationalism is applied here as an economically oriented ideological construct which incorporates sovereignty and national interests together with diverse economic policies, including interdependence. Supporting this thesis’ research is the three-fold argument which remarks that: First, China’s multilateral climate change engagement is consistent with established foreign policy goals to sustain national economic development and preserve national sovereignty. Second, China has redefined its foreign policy to accommodate the ideological construct of economic nationalism, embodied in the course of its international economic and image-status benefits. Third, as a consequence, comprehending Chinese climate foreign policy consistency will contribute to improving general knowledge and understanding of the climate regime and the methods it uses to encourage developing countries to increase their respective participation in mitigating climate change. This thesis studies China’s strategic cooperation with the climate regime using three climate-related cases, as well as a contrast case which compares contemporary climate mitigation with the abatement of ozone depleting substances (ODS), a precursor environmental issue to climate change. The four cases include: the Global Environment Facility (GEF), the Multilateral Fund (MLF), the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and the Group of 77 (G77). On the first, the GEF is the climate regime’s original redistributive funding mechanism and China receives the largest quantity of GEF funding. Moreover, China’s experience with the GEF on climate change is contrasted with its earlier experience in combating ODS using the MLF financial redistributive mechanism. Second, the CDM is the foremost financial redistributive mechanism to pay for climate mitigation and clean development projects in developing countries. China, for its part, is host for the largest share CDM projects and the economically valuable GHG Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) they issue. Third, China is the de facto leader for developing countries in climate negotiations through the G77 negotiating bloc. The conclusions reached show that while China’s tone has changed through increased openness and participation, fundamentally, Chinese climate policy is based upon maintaining the continuity of its national interests. Modern economic nationalist ideology has deepened China’s foreign policy engagement on climate change by reconceptualising the global environmental issue as an economic development and image-status growth opportunity. Essentially, for China which is a country that prides itself on high rates of economic growth and whose foreign policy staunchly defends its national sovereignty, embracing forces of globalization through the act of multilaterally engaging on climate change is by no means a contradiction and is rather fully consistent with supporting its longstanding foreign policy objectives.

The presented dissertation focuses on the large-scale privatization in Czechoslovakia in the early 1990's, on how it was pushed through and why. It analyses the political conflicts over its eventual form and means of realization, and reconstructs the contemporary expectations concerning the future development. It also pays attention to the roots of the 1990's conflicts in the relevant economic disputes of the previous decades. The dissertation identifies an establishment of a new type of liberal political language as a key moment for the implementation of a large-scale privatization. For the new political language, which can be labelled as "market without adjectives" (or "attributes"), the privatization was a flagship policy and it encompassed its key ideas. The language of market without adjectives was defined in a strong opposition to the principles of the so-called "economic democracy", which had been popular among the members of the Czechoslovak dissent, the numerous supporters of workers' self- governing bodies and some economic experts. The attempts to implement the principles of market without adjectives occurred during several political conflicts the dissertation tries to analyse. The delimitation of space for democratic decision making was one of them, with the liberal economists arguing...

The presented thesis deals with the publisher Jan Otto (1841-1916), who was one of the most important personalities of the Czech national society at the end of 19th and at the beginning of 20th century. Based on proper study of archival material his business activity in publishing and typographical field and his manager function in the biggest national Czech bank, Trade Bank, which Otto devoted over 40 years of his life is analysed. These are two basic thematic spheres of the thesis. The analysis of one of Czech economic nationalism manifests towards the end of 19th century which was a foundation of the company National business and industrial enterprise is a complementary supplement of this thesis. Otto was actually closely connected with the whole project. The thesis conclusion concentrates on Otto's identity question. The thesis is a case study for issues of national Czech business and banking elites.