Inhalt: Mit Linz und Loewenstein – Zum Begriff des autoritären Regimes Von Wellen und blinden Flecken in der Komparatistik Autoritäre Regime im 21. Jahrhundert – Ein Überblick Schleichender Autoritarismus im Westen Autoritäre Wende des Kapitalismus?

Inhalt: 1. Fragestellungen und State of the Art 1.1 Forschungsfragen 1.2 Über den Stand der Forschung 1.3 Opposition in autoritären Regimen – klassisch und aktuell 2. Analyseschritte 2.1 Opposition in politischen Systemen 2.2 Handlungsdimensionen der Opposition 2.3 Idealtypen der Opposition in autoritären Regimen 2.4 Fünf forschungsleitende Hypothesen 3. Literaturverzeichnis

Welche Rolle hat die politische Opposition in autoritären Regimen? Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier formuliert generelle Überlegungen zum Phänomen des Autoritarismus im 21. Jahrhundert und entwickelt ein Konzept, mit dem regionenübergreifend das politische Agieren der Opposition in autoritären Regimen analysiert werden kann.

The experience and history shaped by various political groups in the modern history of Taiwan has left a significant mark in the hearts of the island¡¦s citizens. Ever since the 1990¡¦s, even the KMT, a party that had always regarded China ethnicity as the essence of localization, has gradually altered its insistence towards a less constrained attitude. As a result of this, the difference in national identity and the notion of culture emerges, leading Taiwan into an era of liberated ideas about national identity. Lee Teng Hiu was the first citizen elected president of Rublic of China, Taiwan. He was brought up during the Japanese occupation, but accepted the radical political changes brought by the national government after the war. During his political career, he had experienced colonial, autocratic, authoritative, and democratic government systems. The combination of Japanese, Chinese, and American education during his academic pursuit had opened up his unique perspective of the world. Profoundly influenced by Kitaro Nishita¡¦s topical philosophy, the samurai spirit of Nitobe Inazo, Christian doctrines, and Marxism and Hegel¡¦s logical thinking, Lee found the motivation to authenticate his principles. In fact, the personal biography of Lee himself, is pretty much a representation of the modern history of Taiwan. Because Lee is one of the most influential political elites in the history of Taiwan, his notion of the awareness of Taiwan and his comprehension and treatment of Mainland China also had a profound influence on the people of Taiwan in terms of their memories of history and collective identity. Thus, to understand how this collective identity had developed and transformed throughout the history of Taiwan, it is essential to scrutinize Lee¡¦s awareness of China, and the origin of his learning. This research seeks to discuss the formation of Lee¡¦s concept of identity, whether or not the key of this identity has evolved, and how that sense of identity has roamed. This will be done through the analysis of the Taiwanese social structure during Lee¡¦s upbringing, restoring the Taiwanese society during the Japanese occupation of the Taisho and Showa dynasties, where the origin of his historical perspective on Mainland China came from, and also his concepts and experiences during adulthood. Lastly, the same notion of identity of his contemporaries will be compared in order to comprehend the origin of influence of the identity of Taiwan in Lee. After all, this sense of identity of the political elites will conceptualize, theorize, and the electoral issues will continuously influence the public notion of national identity. Thus, the clarification of the elite¡¦s notion will allow the understanding the identity at a subterranean level.

ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN GEORGIAN DEMOCRATIZATION Karadag, Yelda M.S., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ay&ccedil / a Ergun &Ouml / zbolat December 2011,181 Pages This thesis analyzes the development of the multi-party system and the role of political parties in the process of democratization in Georgia during both pre-independence and post-independence periods. The conditions shaping both the multi-party system and democratization are analyzed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with the representatives of political parties, civil society organizations and academicians in Georgia. In accordance with the post-Soviet political system, the nature of the relationship between the ruling party and the opposition is crucial. The diversification among the elite groups and the lack of pact formation among the political elite is the main reason which hinders the process of democratization. Hence, despite the Georgian political party system has numerous political parties / it is shaped in accordance with the dominant political party system.

Au Chili, l’usage des réseaux sociaux a suscité un discours utopique et technologique fort, qui a particulièrement influencé les mobilisations sociales apparues ces dernières années en même temps que des applications comme Facebook et Twitter. Avec 17 millions d’habitants – 4e pays en nombre de comptes de réseaux sociaux per capita – l’histoire politique chilienne s’est distinguée par un processus particulier, toujours accompagné d’un usage singulier des moyens de communication.L’intérêt porté à l’usage effectif des réseaux sociaux par l’élite politique chilienne et à son effet sur la pratique démocratique découle de ce contexte. La thèse s’est donné pour objectif d’approfondir la connaissance de cet usage en périodes d’élections. On a privilégié des approches exploratoires pour observer les traces laissées par l’élite sur le réseau. De là, on a suivi le fil de l’instrumentalisation des médias à des fins électorales. Une partie des informations les plus importantes ont été recueillies lors d’entretiens personnels avec des membres de l’élite politique, parmi lesquels des candidats à la présidence de la république. Les conclusions ont permis d’identifier des usages distincts, liés à la place de l’acteur politique dans la lutte pour le pouvoir. On a pu établir également une analogie avec ce lien en considérant d’autres moyens de communication dans une perspective historique. Enfin, on a relevé des indices de rationalité instrumentale qui pourraient entraîner la normalisation des pratiques et la marchandisation de cet espace social, ce qui produit évidemment des effets sur la pratique démocratique au Chili. / The use of social networks in Chile has arise a strong utopian and technological speech, which has particularly influenced social mobilizations during the last years. At the same time, the country has witnessed the emergence and development of social applications as Facebook or Twitter. With 17 millions of inhabitants, Chile - which is credited to be the 4th country of the world having more use of social networks per capita- has had in its recent history a distinctive democratic process which has characterized by a special political use of mass media. The interest shown by the chilean political elite towards the social media in the recent years is having an effect over the democratic practice. Hence, this thesis had the purpose to deepen the knowledge of this type of use during electoral process. Exploratory approaches were favored to observe the virtual footprints of the elite on the social media. Then, we followed the traces of instrumentalization of mass media with electoral means. An important part of the information gathered was risen from personal interviews with presidential candidates. The conclusions permitted to identify different types of uses, linked to the emplacements of the political actors within the struggle for institutional power. It was also stablished an analogy of the uses that were identified with other mass media from an historical perspective. Finally, we identified elements of instrumental rationality which may lead towards normalization and merchantilization of this social space, which has evident impact in the political practice in Chile.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1420494 bytes, checksum: f1a61137b9eb02da5824b7fce6142d60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The changes that had happened in the workshop of the History, from the years of 1930, under the influence of the School of the Annales and the English Social History, and resulted in many possibilities of research in the most varied areas, including Political History that embarked on a renewal of its subjects, as well as others had been revisited under new perspectives. The new discussions on Politics History had contributed for this study that analyzes the construction of the State in Brazil, from the political relations between Bahia province and the central government, sited in Rio de Janeiro, during the years of 1824-1831, period when the Brazilian political autonomy, recently acquired, was tested by the game of the disputing forces. The surmounting of the divergences in terms of threat of territorial fragmentation and political instability, expressed by the provincial elites and population, in direction to a political order directed from the Court of Rio de Janeiro was analyzed from another place than that one established by the historiography on the subject called the Center-South. That is, thinking about the construction of the Brazilian National State, in this study, meant understanding the economical and political role of Bahia province to bring into effect the unitary and centralist project represented by D. Pedro I. Furthermore, to understand how the political elites acted in province in order to preserve the social order and stability. This task was a priority of the province s presidents, as well as of the local elite, more widely represented, since 1828, in the General Province Council. The Bahia support, even being from the institutionalized power, was not unrestricted, although it had been constitutional since 1821 and remained in this way until the end of Primeiro Reinado. However, when innumerable insurgencies from other social sectors, specially the militaries and the slaves, damaged the public calmness and menaced the property, it presented divergences. At this moment, for Bahia s elite, even its limited autonomy appears to be threatened both by the provincial context and the events in the Court. Thus, it was already possible to realize that the political-bureaucratic instances of the Brazilian State could be assumed by those who were born Brazilians, including a king born in the country, who would guarantee this elite s interests. / As mudanças que aconteceram na oficina da História, a partir dos anos de 1930, sob a influência da Escola dos Annales e da Historia Social Inglesa, provocaram inúmeras possibilidades de pesquisas nos mais variados campos historiográficos, incluindo a História Política, que empreendeu uma renovação de seus temas, assim como outros foram revisitados sob novas perspectivas. As novas discussões no campo do político contribuíram para esse estudo que analisa a construção do Estado no Brasil, a partir das relações políticas entre a província da Bahia e o governo central, instalado no Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1824-1831, período em que a recém-obtida autonomia política do país foi posta à prova pelo jogo das forças em confronto. A superação das divergências, em termos de ameaças de fragmentação territorial e instabilidade política, expressas pelas elites e população provinciais, em favor de uma ordem política dirigida desde a Corte do Rio de Janeiro, foi analisada a partir de um outro lugar que não aquele consagrado pela historiografia sobre o tema - o Centro-Sul. Ou seja, pensar a construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro, nesse trabalho, significou entender a importância política e econômica da província da Bahia para a concretização do projeto unitarista e centralista representado por D. Pedro I. E mais, entender como as elites políticas agiram na província a fim de garantirem a ordem e a estabilidade sociais. Essa tarefa era uma prioridade dos presidentes de província e, também, da elite política local, mais amplamente representada, a partir de 1828, no Conselho Geral de Província. O apoio da Bahia, mesmo do poder institucionalizado, não foi incondicional, embora tenha sido constitucional desde 1821 e assim permanecido até o fim do I Reinado. Mas apresentou divergências na hora em que inúmeras inquietações sociais, provocadas por outros setores, especialmente, os militares e a população escrava, comprometeram o sossego público e ameaçaram a propriedade. Nesse momento, para a elite baiana, mesmo a sua restrita autonomia aparece ameaçada tanto pelo contexto provincial quanto pelos acontecimentos na Corte. Assim, já era possível pensar que as instâncias político-administrativas do Brasil poderiam ser assumidas por brasileiros natos, inclusive um rei nascido no país, que garantisse os interesses dessas elites.

La thèse porte sur les transformations des politiques électorales dans l’état de l’Uttar Pradesh, Inde, dans la période suivant une phase de cristallisation et de politisation des identités de castes et religieuses. La thèse considère l’évolution d’un certain nombre d’indicateurs de la vie politique de cet état pour faire état de changements profonds des ressorts de la mobilisation politique. Au cours de la période considérée, il est observé que les formes mobilisation horizontale de la caste se sont estompées au profit de transactions locales entre groupes et individus inscrits dans des contextes socio-économiques différenciés. Cette localisation des politiques de caste a conduit la caste à s’encastrer davantage dans le champ politique mais de manière moins transversale qu’auparavant. En d’autres termes, les partis politiques ne parviennent ni ne souhaitent plus mobiliser leurs électeurs en usant registre de la caste horizontalement, par-delà le niveau local, mais font de la caste un élément central de le stratégies au niveau des circonscriptions. L’argument principal de la thèse consiste à dire que l’encastrement local de la caste s’effectue en lien étroit avec le contexte socioéconomique d’inscription. Une prosopographie des candidats et élus aux élections régionales de 2007 et 2012 révèle que les candidats sélectionnés par les principaux partis politiques tendent non seulement a l’être fonction de leur appartenance de caste ou de communauté religieuse mais également en fonction de leur ancrage dans les tissus économiques locaux. Une ethnographie politique confirme l’existence d’un processus d’intégration des élites politiques, sociales et économiques au travers des processus démocratiques. En d’autres termes, le profil des candidats et des élus tend à être socialement hétérogène mais économiquement homogène, ce qui contredit trahit en partie le caractère émancipatoire des mouvements politiques dits de basses castes. / This dissertation focuses on the transformations of electoral politics in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, afte period of crystallization and politicization of caste and religious-based identities. The dissertation studies evolution of a number of political indicators to reveal profound changes in the ways parties and candidates mobi voters. It is observed notably that the horizontal forms of caste-based mobilization that characterized much of politics of the state have receded in favour of local arrangements between parties, candidates and local social grou This leads the caste variable to become more deeply embedded into the political sphere, but locally.The main argument of this dissertation is the local embeddedness of caste took place in deep connection with th local economical context. The prosopography of candidates and elected representatives of the state assembly in 2 and 2012 reveals that parties tend to not only choose their candidates according to their ascriptive identity, but a following their inscription in local dominating economic networks. A political ethnography conducted across state confirms the existence of a process of integration or congruence of political, social and economic elites. Th the social composition of the state assembly tends to be both heterogeneous in terms of caste and homogeneou terms of economic background. This questions the emancipatory character or potential of caste-based mobilizat and representation.

The thesis examines the process of recruiting new political elites, which is considered as an essential prerequisite for the restoration of a democratic society in the Czech Republic. The work examines the civic society and its involvement in the political life and activities on the municipal political level. The case study concerns the village of Dolní Břežany where the significant processes have taken place since the year 2002 in order to strengthen the transparency of politics. A questionnaire was distributed in Dolní Břežany where the questions dealt with the citizens´ life satisfaction in the village, their participation in public life and it investigated whether their involvement is or is not connected with an interest in politics or it is just connected with the existence of problems and their solution. Furthermore, the interviews with the executive representatives (between the years 2002 and 2014) gather their views on politics, the public and political participation in general. The aim was to find out what inspired the new political elites to enter the politics and stay politically active for such a long time. The work confirms a hypothesis that a goal of the new political representatives, who were elected in Dolní Břežany in 2002, was to improve their life conditions in the village. The elites remained politically active due to their clear conception of the future village development. The citizens´ confidence in political leaders and a high satisfaction with the community life increased also their interest in politics and public affairs.

The main objective of this thesis is the identification and understanding of the mechanisms of recruiting local political elites and their role in the process of democratization of local politics, and in the process of strengthening local civil society on concrete example selected municipality. The case study concerns with the municipality Semily, which was chosen to work as a community with exemplary transparent and open manner of governance. In 2006 there was a significant change in political representation when recruiting new political elites was a top down process led by a particular person according to predetermined priorities.