Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T19:25:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Codato_AdrianoNervo_D.pdf: 2164729 bytes, checksum: b581765011485768fa3cf51ffc748a28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Esta tese aborda, de um ponto de vista contextual, a relação entre elites políticas estaduais e instituições de governo durante o regime do "Estado Novo" no Brasil (1937-1945). A partir do caso de São Paulo, são analisados quatro problemas: os aparelhos político-burocráticos do regime, as transformações do perfil sócio-profissional da classe política, sua colaboração na gestão dos aparelhos do Estado ditatorial e o processo de adesão dessa elite à ideologia do Estado autoritário. O estudo focalizou o grupo político de quatorze indivíduos abrigado no Departamento Administrativo do estado de São Paulo. A fim de explicar o declínio da oligarquia paulista (junto com seus partidos políticos, suas lideranças nacionais, sua ideologia liberal e seu poder estadual) quatro hipóteses foram testadas: i) a nova hierarquia política entre os diversos grupos de elite é o resultado da nova ordem estipulada pelos círculos dirigentes do regime entre os diferentes níveis decisórios do sistema institucional do Estado; ii) as instâncias intermediárias de governo que abrigam as elites estaduais, como os Departamentos Administrativos, não são instâncias de decisão sobre a política de Estado, mas de participação controlada no jogo político; iii) a modificação dos perfis sociais das elites políticas estaduais é o efeito tanto das sucessivas transformações nas condições de competição política, quanto da estrutura institucional concebida para recrutá-la e conformála aos propósitos do regime ditatorial; e iv) a presença de certos grupos da elite estadual nas novas estruturas do Estado contribuiu decisivamente para sua conversão à ideologia autoritária. Constatou-se a importância decisiva das instituições políticas no processo de transformação das elites políticas no Brasil após a Revolução de 1930. / Abstract: This thesis adopts a contextual perspective for exploring the relationship between regional political elites and governmental institutions during the "Estado Novo" regime in Brazil (1937-1945). Focusing on the case of São Paulo, four issues are examined: the political and bureaucratic institutions of the political regime, the change in the socio-professional profile of the ruling class, their collaboration in the management of the apparatus of dictatorial rule, and the processes through which this elite comes to adhere to the ideology of an authoritarian State. The study focuses on a political group made up of fourteen individuals placed in the Administrative Department of São Paulo state. In order to explain the decline of the São Paulo oligarchy (along with political parties, their national leaders, their liberal ideology and its political power), four hypotheses are tested, as follows: i) the new political hierarchy among the several elite groups is the result of the new order stipulated by ruling circles among different decision-making levels of institutional system of the state; ii) government intermediating sites that house regional elites, such as the Administrative Departments, are not instances of decision on State policy; rather, they constitute a locus for controlled participation within the game of political negotiation; iii) the transformation of the social profile of regional political elites is an effect of both successive changes in the conditions of political competition, and in the institutional structure that has been conceived to recruit and conform them to the purposes of the dictatorship; and iv) the presence of certain regional elite groups within the new structures of the State contributed decisively to their conversion to authoritarian ideology. It was of decisive importance the political institutions in the process of renewing the political elites in Brazil after the 1930 Revolution. / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciência Política

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T12:35:49Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Camila Goulart de Campos_Dissertacao.pdf: 3855711 bytes, checksum: 5f1db50431888e73c279560426d68ca2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T12:35:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Camila Goulart de Campos_Dissertacao.pdf: 3855711 bytes, checksum: 5f1db50431888e73c279560426d68ca2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Este trabalho procurou investigar a presença e a trajetória política das mulheres nos legislativos estaduais do Brasil eleitas no pleito de 2010, com o objetivo de identificar fatores que são preponderantes para a construção de suas carreiras políticas, a partir das redes de contatos que favorecem a entrada e a permanência das mulheres no campo político. Paralelo a isso, analisou-se a existência ou não de diferenças em função da diversidade regional das parlamentares brasileiras. Desse modo, adotou-se como hipótese que as parlamentares eleitas em 2010 possuemcaracterísticas em comum em termos sócio-econômicos e apresentam carreiras políticas similares, fato que foi confirmado na pesquisa. Neste sentido, a presença destas representantes, devido ao acúmulo de capital político, impulsionou a carreira consolidada das parlamentares. A análise dos dados da pesquisa ocorreu através do estudo das trajetórias das deputadas, observando seus perfis através de informações extraídas das páginas eletrônicas das Assembleias Legislativas, Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, Blogs das deputadas estaduais, bem como a análise descritiva e comparativa das parlamentares. Por fim, diante das análises realizadas cabe apontar algumas questões para serem apreciadas com pesquisas futuras, relacionadas às carreiras políticas femininas. Essas se situam, principalmente, no fato de existir um número pequeno de mulheres eleitas aos Parlamentos Regionais (poder supranacional). Isso configura um aspecto de significativa influência para a homogeneidade nas carreias políticas apresentadas neste trabalho. Ou, como indica a bibliografia sobre a carreira política, a homogeneidade nas carreiras políticas está voltada ao fato dessas parlamentares, mesmo sendo mulheres, pertencerem a uma elite política. / This study sought to investigate the presence and women's political career in the state of Brazil elected in the 2010 legislative elections, in order to identify factors that are crucial to building their political careers, from the contact networks that favor the entry and the permanence of women in the political field. Parallel to this, we analyzed the existence of differences depending on the regional diversity of Brazilian parliamentarians. Thus, we adopted as hypothesis the notion that specific characteristics of women who are in electoral politics have a similar political career between state legislators, a fact that was confirmed in the survey. In this sense, the presence of these representatives due to the accumulation of political capital, boosted consolidated parliamentary career. The analysis of the survey data occurred by analyzing the trajectories of MPs, watching their profiles through information extracted from the electronic pages of the Legislative Assemblies, the Superior Electoral Court, Blogs of state deputies, as well as descriptive and comparative analysis of parliamentarians. Finally, on the analyzes it is to point out some issues for consideration in future research related to women's political careers. These are located mainly in the fact that there is a small number of women elected to regional parliaments (supranational power). This sets up an aspect of significant influence to the homogeneity in political carreias presented in this paper. Or, as indicated by the literature on the political career, the homogeneity in political careers is facing the fact that these parliamentarians, even as women belonging to a political elite.

The diploma thesis focuses on the examination of political elites with the field of focus being the members of the government of the Czech Republic, the leadership of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. And selected political groups with selected members. The people in question are the chairman of the political groups. The oldest and youngest men and the oldest and youngest women. This is applied to three selected periods, which are being the years of 1995, 2005 and 2015. First of all, every period will be examined separately, then the periods will be compared. The comparisons will be as follows: 1995-2005, 2005-2015 and 1995-2015. The diploma thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter focuses on the theory of elites, where are described chosen theories. From the second up to the fourth chapter, the diploma thesis is devoted to the descriptions of the members of the Czech government, leaders of the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech parliament and selected political groups with selected members in the years of 1995, 2005 and 2015. The last fifth chapter is focused on the mutual comparisons of the years of 1995-2005, 2005-2015 and 1995-2015. The diploma thesis purpose is to record the changes of the political elites in the government of the Czech Republic...

[pt] Este estudo pretende analisar os processos políticos que se relacionaram a eletrificação do Espírito Santo, investigando sua influência na implementação e configuração do setor de energia elétrica deste estado. Para realizarmos tal tarefa, analisaremos documentos históricos e dados estatísticos a fim de explorar os fenômenos que se relacionam ao processo de industrialização nacional com forte presença estatal durante o século XX, onde o contexto de desigualdades entre as economias dos entes federados foram questões determinantes para a aplicação de distintas políticas para o setor de energia elétrica. Tal conjuntura fez parte dos projetos políticos locais, que dependeram das relações cultivadas entre as diferentes elites políticas regionais e nacionais para sua execução. Neste cenário, no estado do Espírito Santo, as várias etapas do processo de consolidação do sistema elétrico nacional ajudaram a deflagrar a ruptura com o sistema econômico baseado na cafeicultura, determinando uma relação indissociável entre a demanda por eletricidade e a industrialização de base eletrointensiva. Assim, três fatores se mostraram determinantes na configuração do setor de energia elétrica capixaba: (1) a dependência aos interesses históricos do projeto de desenvolvimento nacional; (2) a necessidade da autoprodução de eletricidade por parte do parque industrial em complementação à rede nacional, e aliado a esse fator; (3) a predominância de plantas geradoras termoelétricas. Destaca-se, deste modo, um paradoxo atual: se por um lado a economia espírito-santense se encontra cada vez mais inserida em uma lógica internacional, que pressupõe produção de energia de baixo carbono, descentralizada, através fontes renováveis, por outro lado, tem farta disponibilidade de fontes de energia com alta emissão de CO2 e necessidade imediata de produção interna de energia em larga escala. / [en] This study intends to analyze the political processes related to the electrification of Espírito Santo, investigating its influence on the implementation and configuration of the electric power sector in this state. To accomplish this task, we will analyze historical documents and statistical data to explore the phenomena that are related to the national industrialization process with a strong state presence during the 20th century, where the context of inequalities between the economies of the federated entities were decisive issues for the application of different policies for the electric energy sector. This conjuncture was part of the local political projects, which depended on the relations cultivated between the different regional and national political elites for its execution. In this scenario, in the state of Espírito Santo, the various stages of the consolidation process of the national electrical system helped to trigger the rupture with the economic system based on coffee growing, determining an inseparable relationship between the demand for electricity and electro-intensive industrialization. Thus, three factors proved to be decisive in the configuration of the electricity sector in Espírito Santo: (1) the dependence on historical interests of the national development project; (2) the need for self-production of electricity by the industrial park in addition to the national grid and coupled with this factor; (3) the predominance of thermoelectric generating plants. In this way, a current paradox stands out: if, on the one hand, the Espírito Santo economy is increasingly inserted in an international logic, which presupposes the production of low-carbon energy, decentralized, through renewable sources, on the other hand, has abundant availability of energy sources with high CO2 emissions and an immediate need for large-scale domestic energy production.

本研究嘗試以地緣政治研究途徑針對國際層面、國家層面來解釋俄烏天然氣爆發的深層政治因素與俄羅斯此作為的實際目的何在。 烏克蘭擁有黑海出海口，位居歐亞大陸中心，俄羅斯若控制了烏克蘭，便可直接與歐洲對話，因此烏克蘭對俄羅斯的戰略意義是不可忽視的。同時，2004年北約東擴後，烏克蘭是俄羅斯地緣安全的最後一道防線，尤申科加入北約之政策，自然招致莫斯科反彈。綜合以上因素，可以解釋出橙色革命後，俄羅斯與烏克蘭兩造於對外政策之矛盾，形成了天然氣衝突之背景。 從國際層面分析，長年依賴自俄羅斯進口之低廉能源導致烏國能源部門效率相對低落，加強了莫斯科對基輔的能源外交力度，故本文認為兩次天然氣衝突皆為俄羅斯藉由天然氣議題對烏克蘭施壓。儘管斷氣風波也招致歐盟抨擊，使得俄烏兩國國際形象大為受損；但短期來說，俄羅斯與歐盟的能源合作難以改變，但烏克蘭之能源過境地位則可能因為替代管線投入營運因素而受到弱化。 從國家層面分析，烏克蘭東部與南部多數人民支持親俄政權，西部多數人民則支持親西方政權，究其原因可分為：語言因素、宗教因素、民族因素、經濟因素、與歷史因素。本研究認為烏克蘭政治菁英之分歧導致政局動盪，同時，天然氣衝突給予不同政黨互相攻訐之議題，加上烏克蘭目前處於政治轉型之階段，以致於2006年至2008年爆發了多次政治危機。 2009年之天然氣協議提升了兩國交易透明度，然而烏克蘭之積欠天然氣債務問題仍為未知數，意味著未來俄羅斯依舊有再度對烏克蘭施壓之空間。 / In this study, I attempt to explain the political implications of natural gas conflicts between Russia and Ukraine at international and international level by means of geopolitical approach. Ukraine faces Black Sea and possesses central location in Euro-Asia continent. Russia has an initiative to intervene in European affairs if Ukraine is under its control. In a result, Ukraine is critical to Russia in its strategic layout. Meanwhile, after NATO Enlargement, Ukraine is the last defense boundary of Russia to ensure its geopolitical security. The policy of joining NATO under Yushchenko definitely brought Russia’s objections. It shows after Orange Revolution the discrepancy in foreign policy between Russia and Ukraine gave an incentive to natural gas conflicts. In the International system level, relying on gas imported from Russia at a low price led to relatively low-efficiency in Ukraine’s energy sections which strengthens the power of Russia’s energy diplomacy. Therefore, I believe the natural gas conflicts were aimed to put political pressure upon Ukraine. Although the interruptions brought about criticism from EC and caused great damage to the reputations of Russia and Ukraine, in the short term, it is unlikely to cease Russia-EC cooperation relationship in energy field. However, the status of Ukraine in energy transition could become less important due to the operations of alternative pipelines. In the state system level, most people in Eastern and Southern are in favor of pro-Russia parties or candidates and those in Western and Northern are in the opposite. There are five factors that led to its discrepancy: race, religion, language, economic, and history. The political unrest in Ukraine came from disagreements among elites and gas conflicts provided a pretext for them to attack their opponents. Additionally, this country was under political transformation. Because of these elements, Ukraine suffered from several political crises in the following three years since 2006. The new contract in 2009 provided a better transparency to Russia-Ukraine gas deal, but the problem of Ukraine’s gas debts was not yet dissolved. It suggests Russia is likely to put pressure upon Ukraine by means of energy diplomacy in the future.

本文討論焦點在於台灣政黨體系的變遷過程，影響台灣政黨體系變遷的因素，以及台灣政黨體系未來的可能走向。分別使用社會分歧理論、政治菁英理論以及制度論來解釋台灣政黨體系的變遷過程，並由各政黨在選舉結果的消長與選民政黨認同的變化兩個指標來觀察我國政黨體系的變遷。試圖建構一個通用的模式來解釋我國政黨體系發展的過程，以預期台灣政黨體系發展的未來走向。 經過全面觀察各政黨選舉結果的消長，以及選民政黨認同的變動情形之後，本文發現台灣政黨體系的變遷，主要發生在四個重要的時間點，第一個時間點是1986年民進黨的成立，第二個時間點是1993年新黨的成立，第三個時間點是2000年親民黨的成立與2001年台聯的成立，第四個時間點則是立委選制改變後的2008年立委選舉。 在變動的因素方面，雖然每一個變遷的時間點都有新政黨的出現，但是民進黨的出現是整個憲政環境由威權時期轉成民主化的結果，而新黨、親民黨與台聯則都是政治菁英之間的分裂。2008年主要是選舉制度的影響，不但新成立的政黨無法生存，連原有的小黨也都消失無蹤。 在穩定不變的因素方面，在台灣的政黨體系整個變遷的過程裡面，藍綠的區分一直都存在著。在藍綠對抗的主軸之下，台灣的政黨體系受到省籍、統獨立場以及國家認同等因素混合在內的分歧結構的長期影響，泛綠基本上掌握三成左右的基本盤，泛藍則是有四成出頭的支持度，中間還有二成多搖擺不定的部分，這個部分就是藍綠角逐的關鍵所在。這個藍綠對抗中第一個最重要的因素就是混雜了統獨立場、國家認同與省籍在內的社會與議題分歧，其次是政治菁英在歷次選舉過程中不斷地去操作這個分歧結構，藉此找到新政黨在意識型態光譜上的定位點，再加上SNTV選制容許小黨有生存空間，因此台灣的政黨體系隨之產生變遷。最後到了2008年，選舉制度的變革發揮了決定性的影響，使得我國的政黨體系確立為兩黨制。 在未來的發展趨勢上，研究發現，無論就政黨得票率、政黨支持度以及選舉制度的層面來看，國民黨似乎已經逐漸取回過半的優勢，民進黨則回到四成左右的基本盤。在沒有新議題或是新的政治社會分歧足以重新切割現有政黨體系之下，在目前雙首長制的憲政架構以及單一選區兩票制的國會選舉制度之下，我們預期政治菁英們的互動將朝向由國民黨代表泛藍勢力，民進黨代表泛綠勢力的兩黨政治體系逐步鞏固的方向前進。 / The main theme of this thesis focuses on the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, the factors which effecting the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, and the trend of Taiwan’s party system in the future. The author use social cleavage theory、political elite theory and institutional theory to explain the changing process of Taiwan’s party system. The author also uses two indexes including the vote-share of each party in every election, and the changing of voter’s party identification to observe the changing of Taiwan’s party system. This thesis tries to build a general model to explain the developing process of Taiwan’s party system and predict the future trend of Taiwan’s party system. After observing the election outcomes of each party and the changing of voter’s party identification, this thesis points out four important time points of Taiwan’s party system changing. The first time point is the presence of DPP in 1986, the second time point is the presence of NP in 1993, the third time point is the presence of PFP in 2000 and the presence of TSU in 2001, the fourth time point is the changing of electoral rule of legislative election in 2008. About the changing factor, in spite of the new party presence in each changing time point, the presence of DPP is due to the constitutional environment which the authoritarian regime transferred into democracy. The presence of NP、PFP and TSU are the outcome of the separation of political elites. The changing of party system in 2008 is mainly effected by electoral system, not only the new parties can’t survive, but the existing small parties also disappear. About the stable factor, during the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, there’s always a clearly distinction between “blue” and ”green”. Underneath the main stream of the confrontation between “blue” and “green”, Taiwan’s party system has long been effected by the cleavage structure which mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. The pan-green group basically maintains about 30% of vote share, the pan-blue group has more than 40% of vote share, the remaining 20% more of vote share is the key point for the struggle of pan-green and pan-blue forces. The most important factor in this confrontation process is the social and issue cleavage mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. Meanwhile the political elites are consequently manipulating the cleavage structure in every election process, in order to find some spaces in the ideological spectrum to form new parties. In addition to the SNTV electoral system allows small parties to appear and survive. That’s the reason why Taiwan’s party system changes over time. But in 2008, the changing of electoral system has the decisive influence and turn Taiwan’s party system into the two-party system. In the trend of future development, the research shows that, no matter in party’s vote share、party support rate or electoral system, KMT seems gradually having a leading advantage to get more than 50% of vote share. DPP has about 40% of vote share. If no more new issue or political-social cleavages to cut the existing party system, in the two-head executive constitutional structure and MMM electoral system, the interactions of political elites will tend to a consolidation of the two-party system which including a pan-blue force presented by KMT, and a pan-green force presented by DPP.

Cette thèse entreprend d’examiner les transformations du recrutement du personnel politique socialiste de la fin du XIXe siècle à 2012 en établissant le passage d’une logique sociale à une logique politique du renouvellement des élus et cadres partisans à partir des années 1990. Sur la base d’une enquête de terrain croisant plusieurs méthodes (entretiens, observations, archives et base de données prosopographiques), cette recherche montre, dans une première partie, les filières sociales de renouvellement du personnel politique socialiste de la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu’en 1990. En changeant de jeu d’échelle, la seconde partie révèle la dévaluation des ressources des groupes mobilisés en 1971 (enseignants laïcs et catholiques de gauche) à partir des années 1990. Enfin, la dernière partie s’attache à démontrer en quoi la réévaluation des ressources politiques et partisanes transforme le recrutement et renouvelle le capital politique des élus. / This PhD dissertation examines the transformations in the recruitment of the French Socialist Party’s (PS) political personnel from the late nineteenth century to 2012. It shows how social logics of recruitment have been replaced by political ones, with a significant renewal of the party’s elected representatives and executives in the 1990s. The research is based on extensive fieldwork combining quantitative and qualitative methods (interviews, participant observation, archival work and prosopography). The first part describes the social rationales at work in the renewal of the PS’s political personnel from the late nineteenth century to the 1990s. The second part examines in closer detail the devaluation of the mobilized groups’ resources during the 1990s. Finally, the third and last part demonstrates how the reevaluation of political and party resources has transformed the recruitment and changed the elected representatives’ political capital.

[pt] Esta investigação aborda propostas de criação de novas unidades federativas no Brasil. Apresenta reflexões sobre o federalismo brasileiro, com destaque para a histórica centralização de recursos na União, em detrimento dos interesses de estados e municípios. Discute os mecanismos políticos, institucionais, econômicos e logísticos que estimulam discursos pró-divisão da unidade federativa do Maranhão. Destaca a presença do poder público estadual em diferentes regiões do estado do Maranhão. Evidencia o processo de descentralização administrativa vigente do Governo do Maranhão, com foco na efetividade da prestação de serviços públicos ofertados pelo executivo estadual maranhense. Analisa diferentes opiniões sobre a criação de novas unidades federativas no Brasil. Para tanto, obtiveram-se depoimentos de políticos de diferentes regiões do país, de acadêmicos com trabalhos vinculados ao tema desta pesquisa e de moradores de várias regiões do Maranhão. Adota diferentes procedimentos metodológicos: revisão de literatura, pesquisa documental, comparação de dados secundários e entrevistas semiestruturadas por pautas. Advoga que as atuais propostas de criação de novas unidades federativas em tramitação no Congresso Nacional não reúnem condições de se tornarem efetivas. Para tanto, são elencadas 12 razões que sustentam esta tese. / [en] This investigation addresses proposals for the creation of new federative units in Brazil. It presents reflections on Brazilian federalism, emphasizing the historical centralization of resources in the Union, to the detriment of the interests of states and municipalities. It discusses the political, institutional, economic and logistical mechanisms that stimulate pro-division discourses in the federative unit of Maranhão. It highlights the presence of the state government in different regions of the State of Maranhão. It highlights the current administrative decentralization process of the Government of Maranhão, focusing on the effectiveness of the provision of public services offered by the state executive of Maranhão. It analyzes different opinions about the creation of new federative units in Brazil. To this end, testimonies were obtained from politicians from different regions of the country, academics with works related to this research s theme and residents of various regions of Maranhão. It adopts different methodological procedures: literature review, documentary research, comparison of secondary data and semi-structured interviews based on guidelines. It advocates that the current proposals for the creation of new federative units being discussed in the National Congress do not meet the conditions to become effective. To this end, 12 reasons are listed that support this thesis.

Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation. / This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation. / Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren.

This thesis analyses one of the less explored areas of Swedish politics: the political appointees in the ministerial staffs of the Swedish core executive. The study draws attention to the everyday life of the ministerial staff in order to give an idea of their function: What do the political appointees do? How is the work of the ministerial staffs organized? How is policy coordinated at the political level? The main empirical focus of this thesis is the 2002-2006 term of office. The study contributes to an understanding of the role of political advisers in steering and policy making, and, in the light of this, their potential influence on the policy capacity of the government is considered. Political advisers occupy an ambiguous place within the political system. They play a vital political role, but their presence also challenges the traditional relationship between ministers and public servants. The study shows that political advisers certainly have a leeway to participate in the steering of the ministry's civil servants: they can be said to have a number of steering functions. At the same time, it is made clear that this does not mean that the political advisers are in the position to influence government policy to any great extent. In conclusion, it is suggested that the ministerial staffs do have importance for the government's policy capacity in the sense that they reduce the work load of both the minister and the state secretary and thereby make space for them to govern. The research questions are answered by means of empirical material gathered through a combination of methods, providing data with a range as well as depth and context rarely found in studies of core executives: a survey, participatory observations, focus groups and a series of interviews. The dissertation demonstrates that the ethnographic method is a useful tool for anyone who seeks to highlight and explain the relationships within political organizations. / Avhandlingen analyserar en av de mer outforskade delarna av svensk politik: de politiskt anställda i Regeringskansliets politiska staber. Regeringskansliet betraktas i studien som en politisk organisation, snarare än som enbart en politiskt styrd organisation. Avhandlingen utgör ett bidrag till The Core Executive Approach, som definierar exekutiven i termer av funktion och ställer frågor om vem som gör vad i exekutiven. Studien uppmärksammar vardagslivet i de politiska staberna för att ge en bild av deras funktion: Vad gör de politiskt anställda? Hur är arbetet i de politiska staberna organiserat? Hur samordnas politiken på politisk nivå i Regeringskansliet? Ansatsen är organisationsteoretisk och de olika aktörernas funktion och plats i organisationen står i centrum. Studien bidrar även till förståelse av de politiskt sakkunnigas roll i policyskapande och i styrning av departementen. I ljuset av detta, diskuteras de politiskt sakkunnigas betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet. De politiskt sakkunniga spelar en betydande roll för statsrådets politiska och personliga stöd, men deras närvaro i Regeringskansliet utmanar även det traditionella förhållandet mellan statsråd och tjänstemän. Eftersom de politiskt sakkunniga inte ingår i departementens linjeorganisation ingår de inte i den parlamentariska styrningskedjan som helhet, d.v.s. de kan inte utkrävas ansvar av riksdagen. Ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv är det därför angeläget att analysera denna grupps deltagande i skapandet av politiken. Därutöver studeras empiriskt hur de politiskt anställda själva resonerar om styrning och vilka styrningsstrategier de lyfter fram. Avhandlingens huvudsakliga empiriska fokus är begränsat till mandatperioden 2002-2006. Studiens tillvägagångssätt utgörs av en kombination av metoder som ger material med såväl bredd som djup och kontext, vilket är ovanligt i studier av regeringskanslier: en enkätundersökning, deltagande observation, fokusgrupper och kvalitativa intervjuer. Avhandlingens etnografiska inslag är särskilt tydliga i de dagboksutdrag som kompletterar analysen. Avhandlingen visar att etnografisk metod är ett användbart verktyg för den som vill belysa och förklara relationer inom politiska organisationer. Den empiriska undersökningen visar att statssekreterare, planeringschefer och pressekreterare har olika funktioner, som inte överlappar varandra i större utsträckning. De kan snarare sägas komplettera varandra. De politiskt sakkunniga har å andra sidan en bredare funktion, som överlappar de övriga politiskt anställdas funktioner i förhållandevis stor grad. De kan påverka policyprocesser, och i egenskap av statsrådets nära medarbetare, även statsrådets inställning. Studien visar också att politiskt sakkunniga deltar i styrningen av departementen: de kan sägas ha en rad olika styrningsfunktioner. Samtidigt innebär inte detta att de politiskt sakkunniga har möjlighet att påverka regeringens politik i större utsträckning. Styrning från de politiskt sakkunniga betraktas endast som legitimt när den överensstämmer med och kan härledas till statsrådets eller statssekreterarens styrning.  Närhet och möjligheten att ta reda på statsrådets åsikt är en viktig förutsättning för att detta ska fungera. Om de politiska staberna är för stora finns en risk att de politiskt anställdas förmåga att agera i enighet med statsrådets vilja minskar. Sammanfattningsvis föreslås att de politiska staberna har betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet i den meningen att de avlastar såväl statsrådet från statssekreteraren, och därigenom skapar utrymme för dem att styra. / Regeringskansliet och samhällets organisering (Reko)