本論文「中共政治體制改革之研究」，共分為六章十六節。 第一章﹕導論。主要分為研究目的與研究範圍，提出共產主義政治體制的基本架構。 第二章﹕本章主要探討中共政治體制改革之背景，共分為兩節，就中共現行政治體制 的積弊以及經濟體制改革對政治體制之衝擊分別加以論述。 第三章﹕本章主要探討政治體制改革之實施，共分為五節。 第一節 中共黨中央之改革 第二節 政府機構體制之改革 第三節 幹部制度之改革 第四節 精簡機構 第五節 「全國人大」之改革 第四章﹕中共關於政治體制改革之討論與反應，共分為兩節。 第一節 中共官方的言論 第二節 中共理界和知識界的反應 第五章﹕中共「十三大」提出的政治體制改革的設想，共分為七節。 第一節 實行黨政分開 第二節 進一步下放權力 第三節 改革政府工作機構 第四節 改革幹部人事制度 第五節 建立社會協商對話制度 第六節 完善社會主義民主政治的若干制度 第七節 加強社會主義法制建設 第六章﹕對中共政治體制改革之評估一代結論。

本文共乙冊，分五章九節，計約十餘萬字。 列寧建立了共黨的一黨專政，黨是俄國政治權力之所在，而政治局、黨總書記則是俄 共真正的權力核心。 史達林利用各種手段建立其個人獨裁，其後的赫魯雪夫、布里滋涅夫為追求權力，鞏 固權力，亦個自採行不同的方法，建立了不完全相同的領導風格，使俄共由極權的個 人獨裁逐漸走向穩定的集體領導。 本文首就蘇聯的黨政結構與政治體制作一釋探討；次就權力鬥爭的觀點，來看俄共領 導階層之權力基礎與領導者如何取得權力且維持權力；最後從制度上及實際的政治運 作，來分析個人獨裁與集體領導的實質演變。

本篇論文主要研究的主體為俄羅斯的政治體制，希望能透過不同的研究方法及許多文獻資料，探討俄羅斯政治發展的背景。並以此背景為基礎，研究當前俄羅斯政治體制變遷的影響因素。另外，本文也將探討在一九九三年俄羅斯新憲法的架構下，俄羅斯各政治權力間的互動和相互關係和探討目前俄羅斯政治體制的運作情形。最後，探討當前俄羅斯政治發展的趨勢與其面臨的困境和解決之道，並試著研析俄羅斯政治體制未來可能的發展趨勢。 / The article's main role is the political system of Russian Federation. The author will discuss the Russian historical background of political development through some approaches and documents, and try to find out what influences evolution of present Russian political system. Besides, the author will discuss interactions and mutual relationships between these political powers to know present situation of Russian political system. At the last part, the author would like to know the tendency and dilemma of present Russian political development, and its possible development in the future.

本文撰寫動機，係以江澤民主政十三年為時間軸，探討中國共產黨在面臨轉變處境下，對於政權維繫的合法性挑戰做出了何種判斷與處置？對於黨的性質，做出了何種詮釋，且在黨建工作上，採取了什麼樣的變革措施？對於中共自身未來走向，做出了什麼樣的願景藍圖與評價？ 文中主要分析問題集中在：共產黨的政黨屬性；改革開放引發的社會變遷對中共政權合法性的衝擊；在政權穩定與一黨專政前提下，中共如何處理社會、國家和黨的關係；江澤民所主導的政黨改革，對於基本政黨屬性的「變」與「不變」為何。 附屬探討議題則包括：當前大陸市民社會、公共領域的發展狀況；中共是否已由極權體制向威權體制轉型；政治體制改革的進程與評估；中共所謂由革命黨轉向執政黨的論述作為；從嚴治黨、以德治國、依法治國的內容；三講運動的推展；中共在黨風、黨紀與反腐敗的實施作為；組織權力結構、幹部任用建制；三個代表重要思想的實際內涵。 本文結論為：中共在主軸堅持上有所「不變」：即思想建設、組織建設、黨風建設上都要服膺一黨專政的最高指導原則。在路線調整上展現出若干「變」的內容，包括以德治國；依法治國；社會主義政治文明；抵禦風險、拒腐防變；執政黨建設；三講；三個代表等。 中國雖仍是個超穩定結構；中共仍將堅持政治漸進主義，無法與經濟發展和社會結構分化的速度相適應；基層選舉、司法改革和治理能力將是其政策路線優先選項；黨內民主的實施可能性相對較低且落後。 / The motivation of this paper, under the evolution of Jiang Zemin’s thirteen years governance, aims to discuss what kind of judgment and reaction taken by the Chinese Communist Party, CCP under the transformation toward the challenges to the legitimacy of government, what kind of interpretations to the party nature, what kind of changes to the party construction, and what kind of vision and evaluation to the CCP future prospective. The major analysis in this paper focus on the party attribution of CCP, the impact of social transition inspired by open door policy toward the legitimacy of CCP government, how CCP handles the relations among society, state and party under the precondition of stability of power and one party dictatorship, and what are the variables and constants of fundamental party attribution under the party reform led by Jiang Zemin. The related issues include the civil society in China nowadays, the development of public field, the discussion whether PRC transit from totalitarian regime to authoritarian regime, the evolution and evaluation of the political regime reform, the CCP’s discourse and behavior of transition from revolutionary party to ruling party, the context of “run the party strictly”, “rule the state by morality” and “rule the state by law”, the promotion of three discourses movement, the concrete implementation of party style, party discipline, and anti-corruption, the power structure of organization, the regime of appointing cadre, the concrete context of the important "Three Representatives" thoughts. Although China is still a supra-stable structure, CCP shall still insists on the political gradualism. It cannot accommodate both economic development and diversification of social structure. The basic election, judicial reform and governing ability would be the priorities for its policy development. The implementation of democracy inside the party might be relatively low and lagging

本研究嘗試以地緣政治研究途徑針對國際層面、國家層面來解釋俄烏天然氣爆發的深層政治因素與俄羅斯此作為的實際目的何在。 烏克蘭擁有黑海出海口，位居歐亞大陸中心，俄羅斯若控制了烏克蘭，便可直接與歐洲對話，因此烏克蘭對俄羅斯的戰略意義是不可忽視的。同時，2004年北約東擴後，烏克蘭是俄羅斯地緣安全的最後一道防線，尤申科加入北約之政策，自然招致莫斯科反彈。綜合以上因素，可以解釋出橙色革命後，俄羅斯與烏克蘭兩造於對外政策之矛盾，形成了天然氣衝突之背景。 從國際層面分析，長年依賴自俄羅斯進口之低廉能源導致烏國能源部門效率相對低落，加強了莫斯科對基輔的能源外交力度，故本文認為兩次天然氣衝突皆為俄羅斯藉由天然氣議題對烏克蘭施壓。儘管斷氣風波也招致歐盟抨擊，使得俄烏兩國國際形象大為受損；但短期來說，俄羅斯與歐盟的能源合作難以改變，但烏克蘭之能源過境地位則可能因為替代管線投入營運因素而受到弱化。 從國家層面分析，烏克蘭東部與南部多數人民支持親俄政權，西部多數人民則支持親西方政權，究其原因可分為：語言因素、宗教因素、民族因素、經濟因素、與歷史因素。本研究認為烏克蘭政治菁英之分歧導致政局動盪，同時，天然氣衝突給予不同政黨互相攻訐之議題，加上烏克蘭目前處於政治轉型之階段，以致於2006年至2008年爆發了多次政治危機。 2009年之天然氣協議提升了兩國交易透明度，然而烏克蘭之積欠天然氣債務問題仍為未知數，意味著未來俄羅斯依舊有再度對烏克蘭施壓之空間。 / In this study, I attempt to explain the political implications of natural gas conflicts between Russia and Ukraine at international and international level by means of geopolitical approach. Ukraine faces Black Sea and possesses central location in Euro-Asia continent. Russia has an initiative to intervene in European affairs if Ukraine is under its control. In a result, Ukraine is critical to Russia in its strategic layout. Meanwhile, after NATO Enlargement, Ukraine is the last defense boundary of Russia to ensure its geopolitical security. The policy of joining NATO under Yushchenko definitely brought Russia’s objections. It shows after Orange Revolution the discrepancy in foreign policy between Russia and Ukraine gave an incentive to natural gas conflicts. In the International system level, relying on gas imported from Russia at a low price led to relatively low-efficiency in Ukraine’s energy sections which strengthens the power of Russia’s energy diplomacy. Therefore, I believe the natural gas conflicts were aimed to put political pressure upon Ukraine. Although the interruptions brought about criticism from EC and caused great damage to the reputations of Russia and Ukraine, in the short term, it is unlikely to cease Russia-EC cooperation relationship in energy field. However, the status of Ukraine in energy transition could become less important due to the operations of alternative pipelines. In the state system level, most people in Eastern and Southern are in favor of pro-Russia parties or candidates and those in Western and Northern are in the opposite. There are five factors that led to its discrepancy: race, religion, language, economic, and history. The political unrest in Ukraine came from disagreements among elites and gas conflicts provided a pretext for them to attack their opponents. Additionally, this country was under political transformation. Because of these elements, Ukraine suffered from several political crises in the following three years since 2006. The new contract in 2009 provided a better transparency to Russia-Ukraine gas deal, but the problem of Ukraine’s gas debts was not yet dissolved. It suggests Russia is likely to put pressure upon Ukraine by means of energy diplomacy in the future.

人類歷史上有著許多偉大的政治體制改革者。中國與俄國千年來，皆是帝王專制的政治體制，直到二十世紀初葉，兩國的帝王專制體制先後被推翻，蘇聯邁向共黨一黨專政的蘇維埃政治體制；中國則因連年戰亂，中華民國政府來台初期亦採取威權統治，直到八零年代蔣經國主政，全力推動政治體制改革，同一時間蘇聯亦在戈巴契夫的主政下，推動政治體制改革。而戈巴契夫與蔣經國兩人對當代兩國政治發展亦影響深遠。本文的研究重點在於探討蔣經國與戈巴契夫兩人在政治體制改革過程中，台蘇的政治體制；改革環境；以及改革者，戈巴契夫與蔣經國二人的人格特質、政治理念與改革實踐的比較。 / Look backward at the human history, there were many political institution reformers. In China and Russia, the regime had been always authoritarianism and controlled by emperors till the start of twentieth century. Both of the authoritarian regimes in these two countries were overthrown one after another. Russia went toward the road of Soviet institution; China (ROC) also adopted authoritarian regime since the successive insurrection in the initial years. This kind of regime did not end until the 1980s due to the political reform Chang Chin-Gwo initiated . At the same time, under the leadership of Gorbachev, the political institution reform has been started. This thesis puts emphasis on the comparison of the political institution reform of Chiang and Gorbachev in terms of political environments, characters of the leaders, political values, and the practices of the reforms.