This dissertation examines the role of affect and emotion in contemporary citizenship practices along the US-Mexico border. Drawing from mixed qualitative methods, this dissertation employs inter-subjective research practice to understand the entanglement between the state, objects, citizen, and non-citizen along the border. This study presents two interrelated findings: 1) state security objects "impress" and mediate citizen movements, and 2) a dual masculinity of offensive and defensive emerges around compassionate actions toward or distancing actions from migrants in need of aid or assistance. Drawing on Slavoj Žižek, this dissertation explores the border-as-parallax-object to reveal the ways that the border is inscribed beyond the material fence. In this way, this dissertation connects disparate literature within human geography concerning materiality and psychoanalytic theory. By psychoanalytically reading and coding research interviews, this dissertation also develops the concepts of the face-of-the-state and ambivalent citizenship to elucidate the impact of security objects on citizen practices. The findings build toward a new subfield in political geography: emotional border studies.

In the context of democratisation in the early 1990s, the governments in Central and East Europe (CEE) had to decide how to deal with property that had been confiscated under state socialism. Nationalised housing and collectivised land were to a varying extent returned to former owners and their heirs by means of restitution, as well as being distributed to other citizens who were in possession of the users’ rights to such properties. This thesis examines the spatial impacts, in terms of ownership patterns, of the way the redistribution of nationalised housing and collectivised land has been dealt with politically and at the local level in post-socialist Romania. It also locates the Romanian property reforms in relation to those of the rest of CEE. The impact of political directives on the property redistribution is analysed in relation to both structural influences, such as democratisation and antecedent property regimes, and implementation patterns in varied place-contexts. The thesis demonstrates that restitution was stifled due to disagreements between leftist and rightist political blocs, with the latter arguing for restitution whilst their opponents wrote the first restitution laws. A re-privatisation law allowed for the public sale of nationalised housing to tenants and thereby blocked the implementation of a restitution law, thus constituting a dilemma for constitutional democracy. In liberal place-contexts in West Romania, these obstacles to housing restitution were in part avoided. By contrast, land restitution was most widespread in the east, a stronghold of the left. This was because the legislation gives priority to restitution in areas of this kind, where smaller land-holdings dominated prior to 1945. The left-wing government pursued an electoral strategy of distributing small properties to a large number of citizens, and to current users in particular. This resulted in a fragmentation of historical property.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 22, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-220).

Mémoire (M.E.S.R.)--Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1997. / Bibliogr.: f. 127-144. Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

Thesis (M.S.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Department of Geography, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Owen J. Dwyer, Jeffrey S. Wilson, Scott M. Pegg. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-168).

The practice of diplomacy has changed dramatically in recent decades as a result of technological advancements and shifting geopolitical concerns. No longer confined to the cloaked and closed-door practices of elite state institutions, the diplomatic landscape has broadened, and been made visible, across space and scale. Amidst this rapidly changing environment, it is imperative to understand how states are adjusting their material diplomatic infrastructure and what that means for everyday diplomatic practices. While many countries have adjusted to twenty-first century diplomatic realities by adapting to a more mobile, maneuverable diplomatic corps and fewer facilities, the United States remains committed to a widespread diplomatic network, the largest in the world. This diplomatic footprint is the hallmark of universality, a sustained effort over time to acquire near total diplomatic coverage by dotting the world with embassies and consulates designed to look, work, and behave in a similar, if not, ageographic, manner. Attending to this understudied phenomenon means studying the historical and geographic conditions out of which this relatively even and uniform diplomatic apparatus materialized. It further means analyzing the contemporary pattern of U.S. diplomatic infrastructure against the shifting terrain of diplomatic norms and space. Drawing empirically on interviews with elite diplomatic practitioners, substantial archival material, and the researcher’s own experience working within the U.S. diplomatic assemblage, this study has sought to examine why the United States remains committed to universality and what embassies and consulates actually do to secure U.S. foreign policy goals. Specifically, the study—presented in this dissertation as three discrete original research articles—is framed by the following research questions: (1) What ideas and policies shaped the geographical footprint of U.S. diplomatic infrastructure over the course of the twentieth century? (2) How does the globe-girdling U.S. diplomatic assemblage reflect and influence geopolitical ideas and practices? (3) How does the grouping of diplomatic missions along regional lines reflect and influence U.S. foreign policy?

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:33:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-05-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:08:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_m_dr_prud.pdf: 814859 bytes, checksum: 2eb0b5f5ea259198ac8c206c1361fd79 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa, pautada nas relações entre poder e espaço, tem como objetivo principal compreender como se dá a formação dos aqui denominados territórios conservadores de poder. O compilamento de dados secundários, as análises de jornais e das entrevistas, bem como a fundamentação conceitual, direcionaram a pesquisa. Assim, este trabalho, que tem como recorte territorial o centro-sul do estado do Paraná e mais propriamente o município de Guarapuava, aborda três linhas principais, em sentido amplo, que fundamentam a formação desses territórios. A primeira delas diz respeito à ocupação histórico-geográfica que, entende-se, se deu de maneira diferenciada regionalmente. A segunda se motiva nas características sócio-econômicas recentes, produto desse primeiro processo e de outros que ajudaram a evidenciar suas diferenças e similitudes. A terceira linha está motivada na vinculação política e nas relações conservadoras de poder, com elementos referidos às práticas clientelistas, à política sustentada na troca de favores com elevada associação personificada do poder em oposição a pouca ou a nenhuma mediação das instituições. Assim, são duas as abordagens vinculadas ao conservadorismo: uma no sentido de relações economicamente menos dinâmicas e outra no sentido de relações de poder politicamente arcaicas ou tradicionais. Esses aspectos foram considerados segundo a metodologia das redes sociais. Através das redes foi possível observar as articulações dos grupos de poder político locais e dar conta de uma realidade que não se revela de imediato. E se a rede representa a realidade, representa também, aqui, os territórios conservadores de poder, numa articulação que permite confundi-los e concebê-los num misto território-rede. Este trabalho tem... / This research, based upon power and space relations, establishes as a main objective to understand how happen the formation of the territories, here named conservative of power. The secondary data compilation, the newspapers and interviews analysis, as well as the fundamentality conceptual, gave direction to the research. So, this work, which has, as a territorial clip, the center south of Paraná State and more appropriate Guarapuava municipal district, approaches three main master lines, in an extensive sense, that justify or substantiate the formation of these territories. The first of them concerns to the historical-geographical occupation that, as understood, happened regionally by a distinguished way. The second motivates itself in the recent social-economic characteristics, as a product of this first process and others which helped to evidence their differences and similarities. The third line is motivated in the political link and power conservative relations, with elements referred to clientele practices, the politics supported by exchange favors, with high association personified of power, in opposite of little or no mediation of the institutions. So, two approaches are linked to the conservatism: one in order to relations economically less dynamics and other in order to power relations politically archaic or traditional. These aspects were considered according to the methodology of social nets. Through the nets was possible to notice the articulations of local politic power groups and show a reality that is not revealed immediately. And if the net represents the reality, it also represents, here, the power conservatism territories, in an articulation that allow to confuse and conceive themselves in a mixture territories-net. This work aims, still, to contribute to strength of studies between power and space relations in the ambit of Geography, therefore, Political Geography.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-03-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:58:11Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_chp_me_prud.pdf: 2179547 bytes, checksum: 22028b09d217832bcf1685e3b1e267de (MD5) / O presente trabalho realiza um estudo sobre a formação territorial do Brasil e do Acre, como ponto de partida para se refletir sobre uma nova configuração das terras acreanas. O processo de emancipação de Vila Campinas, localizada no município de Plácido de Castro, Estado do Acre, é o recorte empírico utilizado para análise. O contexto de lutas pela criação de Estados, Territórios e Municípios é ressaltado para se fazer a conexão do local com o global. A Geografia Política dará o embasamento teórico para se analisarem os processos de construção e reconstrução de novos territórios. Na localidade estudada enfatizar-se-ão os seguintes aspectos para entender a sua formação: as migrações para o Estado nas décadas de 1970/19880, a implantação dos projetos de assentamentos como política de reforma agrária para a região amazônica e a articulação da Comissão Pró-Emancipação, que dará base para se aglutinar os olhares divergentes sobre a temática. / The present work realize a study about the territorial formation of Brasil and of Acre, as staring point for us to think about a new configuration of the lands from Acre. The process of emancipation of Vila Campinas, located Plácido de Castro - Acre, is the impiric cutting used for analysis. The context of fights for the creation of States, Territories and Municipal districts is stood out for us to make the connection of the place with the global. The Political geography will give the theoretical basement to analyze the construction processes and reconstruction of new territories. In the planned place we will emphasize the following aspects to understand its formation: the migration for the State in 70s/80s, the implantation of the projects of establishment s like land reform politics for the Amazonian area and Comissão Pró- Emancipação, thtat will give base to agglutinate the divergent watch on the theme.

Orientador: Enéas Rente Ferreira / Banca: Alexandre Carvalho de Andrade / Banca: Darlene Aparecida de Oliveira Ferreira / Banca: Flamarion Dutra Alves / Banca: Samuel Frederico / Resumo: Esta tese se pauta na premissa de maior universalismo na inserção brasileira no regime internacional na Nova República e sustenta que no período de 1995 a 2010 a política internacional brasileira, embora mantendo seu objetivo de desenvolvimento e crescimento do país, mudou sua forma de inserção da autonomia pela integração (mandatos do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso), para a postura da autonomia pela diversificação (mandatos do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva), o que reconfigurou a forma política externa de inserção internacional tanto em relação com demais blocos econômicos, países e instituições multilaterais de comércio, como na própria estrutura interna produtiva, com vistas nas importações e exportações dos entes federados, bem como o desenvolvimento do país / Abstract: This thesis starts from the premiss a greater universalism of the Brazilian participation in the international regime in the Nova República and maintains that from 1995 to 2010 the Brazilian international politics, while maintaining its goal of development and growth of the country, changed his manner of engaging the autonomy the integration (terms of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso), to the position of autonomy through diversification (terms of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva), which reconfigured the foreign form of international insertion both in relation to other economic blocs, countries and institutions multilateral trade, as in the very productive internal structure in order in imports and exports of federal entities, and the development of the country / Doutor

A Constituição Federal de 1988 inovou ao estabelecer que o Estado Brasileiro deve emitir os títulos de propriedade definitiva aos remanescentes das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas que estejam ocupando suas terras. Após quase três décadas de busca pela garantia desse direito fundamental, os resultados alcançados são insatisfatórios, haja vista que, até o fim de 2016, apenas 152 territórios foram titulados em benefício de 294 comunidades e cerca 15.910 famílias. Atualmente, apenas no INCRA, existem 1.692 processos administrativos iniciados e destes, cerca de 85% não contam sequer com o Relatório Técnico de Identificação e Delimitação (RTID) da área pleiteada concluído e publicado. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar o papel do Estado brasileiro na gestão dessas políticas, assim como avaliar a atuação dos órgãos executores dessas ações. Em estudo de caso, analisaremos as controvérsias institucionais ocasionadas pela sobreposição de interesses territoriais entre INCRA e IBAMA/ICMBio no processo de regularização do Território Quilombola de Cunani, localizada no município de Calçoene, no Estado do Amapá, que teve parte de seu território tradicional afetado pelo Parque Nacional do Cabo Orange - PNCO. Estabeleceu-se como fundamento metodológico a análise de processo e de impactos das ações enquanto política pública territorial de reparação/afirmação de diretos étnicos constitucionais, configurando-se, portanto, num tema relevante para a análise da geografia política das relações entre estado, sociedade e território. Dentre os resultados obtidos, destacamos os números que demonstram a baixa capacidade histórica do principal órgão responsável pelas ações (INCRA) em executar os recursos orçamentário-financeiros destinados à regularização das terras quilombolas, que foi de apenas 35,1% do que foi autorizado pelo Governo entre 2004 e 2015; a espacialização dos resultados alcançados pela política, que revelam uma disparidade regional das áreas tituladas e de famílias atendidas, concentrando esses índices nas regiões Norte, Nordeste e, mais recentemente, no Centro-Oeste; a análise que identifica uma instabilidade jurídico- institucional ocasionada pela Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade (ADI 3239) que contesta o Decreto Federal 4.887 de novembro de 2003; a constatação de que os interesses das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas nunca ocuparam um espaço prioritário na agenda dos sucessivos grupos políticos que se instalaram no Governo Federal e em sua base política de sustentação no Congresso Nacional. Conclui-se que a manutenção do Decreto 4.887 de novembro de 2003 sustentará a conveniente e estratégica decisão de quem governa de se amparar na instabilidade político- institucional representada pela ADI-3239 para não se contrapor aos interesses de grupos que estão em sua base social e político-partidária (com quem se governa). Nesse contexto, a garantia do direito ao território étnico das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas prosseguirá em ritmo insatisfatório e socialmente insustentável, alcançando apenas os processos administrativos cujas demandas não suscitam custos sociais ou políticos a quem governa, contrariando assim o dispositivo constitucional e os princípios da Administração Pública. / The Federal Constitution of Brazil (1988) established that the Brazilian State should grant definitive property titles to the remnants of the traditional quilombolas communities (maroons) of the lands occupied by them, an innovative proposition. However, the results achieved are unsatisfactory after nearly three decades of guarantee of this fundamental right, since only 152 territories were titled for the benefit of 294 communities and about 15,910 families by the end of 2016. There are currently 1,692 administrative processes initiated just in INCRA and of these approximately 85% do not even have the Relatório Técnico de Identificação e Delimitação (RTID Technical Identification and Delimitation Report) of the requested area completed and published. The objective of this research was to analyze the Brazilian State role in the management of these policies, as well as to evaluate the performance of the executing agencies of these actions. In a case study, we analyze the institutional controversies caused by the overlapping of territorial interests between INCRA and IBAMA / ICMBio in the process of regularization of the Cunani Quilombola Territory, located in the Calçoene District, in the Amapá State (Brazil) which had part of its traditional territory affected by the Parque Nacional do Cabo Orange (PNCO Cape Orange National Park). Methodologically, the research was based on the process and impacts analysis of the actions as a territorial public policy for reparation/affirmation of ethnic constitutional rights, being therefore a relevant topic for the Political Geography analysis about relations between state, society and territory. Among the results obtained, we underline: the numbers that demonstrate the low historical capacity of the main agency responsible for actions (INCRA) to execute the financial resources destined to regularize the quilombola lands (only 35.1% from the total authorized by the Government between 2004 and 2015); the spatial dynamics of the results achieved by the policy, revealing a regional disparity between the titled areas and the families served, concentrating these indices in the North, Northeast and more recently in the Center-West of Brazil; the identification of legal and institutional instability caused by the Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade 3239 (Direct Unconstitutionality Action - ADI 3239) which disproves the Federal Decree 4887 (November 2003); the understanding that the interests of the traditional quilombola communities never occupied a priority topic in the successive political groups agenda settled in the Federal Government and in its political base of support in the National Congress. We conclude that the Decree 4887/2003 maintenance will support the convenient and strategic decision from \"who governs\" to rely on the political-institutional instability represented by ADI-3239 in order not to oppose the interests of groups that are in their social base and Political party (with which the government is made). In this context, the right guarantee to ethnic territory in traditional quilombola communities will continue to develop unsatisfactorily and socially unsustainable reaching only the administrative processes whose demands do not demand social or political costs to \"who rules\", thus contradicting the constitutional provision and principles of Public administration.