This thesis seeks to analyse the role of the Gambian diaspora activists in Gambian politics particularly during the December 1st, 2016, Presidential election in which the long-time dictator Yahya Jammeh was defeated by the less experienced and known Adama Barrow. Despite an extensive mobilization effort over the past twenty-two years, spanning across continents, the fragile and disorganized Gambian diaspora has been unable to exert influence in Gambian politics due to unfavourable domestic conditions such as the unwillingness of the opposition to unite as well as state repression. However, the formation of coalition 2016 provided the diaspora activists an opportunity to engage effectively in mobilizing against the Jammeh regime through their online media platforms as well as financial contribution.  By using a multi-level research design using interviews and document analyses, the thesis explores the mobilization strategies of the Gambian diaspora as means of influencing at both the homeland and international levels.

From 1839 to 1911, Guangdong elites, including Qing officials in the province, local gentry, native intellectuals, and so on, made full use of popular culture for political mobilization of the populace. This study examines the relationships of these Guangdong elites with both the Qing state and the common folks in China and the Chinese diaspora from the new perspective of popular culture. To be specific, Guangdong elites of different backgrounds mobilized the populace in the province to resist the British invasion of Qing China during the Opium War, to revolt against the Qing court during the Taiping Rebellion across southern China, and to push for the pro-Qing reforms or anti-Qing revolutionary movements among domestic and overseas Chinese. In this process, popular culture materials like ballads, operas, and comics provided a critical propaganda tool for Guangdong elites to cooperate with, compete with, or confront the Qing government while influencing the common folks. Meanwhile, the populace also expressed their assent, dissent, and adaptation to the elite political mobilization, by creating eulogistic or satiric ballads and tales, or by selecting, adapting, and transmitting certain popular culture materials politicized by Guangdong elites. / Graduate / 2021-07-17

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-12 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Observing the increasing use of Internet devices in the political mobilizations of the early 21st century, it is noted that social movements have changed and started to use other means and resources to influence their policies in the public sphere. Understanding this is a global phenomenon and, especially since the 2013 June Jouneys, it also occurs in Brazil, this research sought to understand how social movements use cyberactivism to include their demands in the arenas of Brazilian institutional politics. For this, a case study of the political mobilization on the Internet was carried out in favor of the Ficha Limpa “Clean Record” analyzing the publications that the members of the Movement to Combat Electoral Corruption, performed in the Community of Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa and the sites that were cited as source of information by the members of the same. In order to qualify the data collected through the mapping and the bibliographical survey, in-depth interviews were conducted with individuals belonging to the National Committee of the Ficha Limpa Campaign, members of the Orkut Community, and with the Avaaz Campaign Coordinator at the time. Through this analysis, it can be verified that cyberactivism contributed to the inclusion of new guidelines in the political arena, but, on the other hand, that it is not the only who guarantees the success of the movement / Observando-se o crescente uso dos dispositivos da internet nas mobilizações políticas do início do século XXI, percebe-se que os movimentos sociais se transformaram e passaram a utilizar outros meios e recursos para incidir em suas pautas na esfera pública. Compreendendo que este é um fenômeno global e que, principalmente a partir das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, também ocorre no Brasil, esta pesquisa buscou compreender como os movimentos sociais se utilizam do ciberativismo para incluir suas demandas nas arenas da política institucional brasileira. Para isto foi realizado um estudo de caso da mobilização política na internet em prol da Ficha Limpa, analisando-se as publicações que os integrantes do Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral realizaram na Comunidade do Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa e os sites que eram citados como fonte de informação pelos integrantes da mesma. Para se qualificarem os dados levantados através do mapeamento e do levantamento bibliográfico, foram realizadas entrevistas em profundidade com indivíduos pertencentes ao Comitê Nacional da Campanha Ficha Limpa, integrantes da Comunidade do Orkut e com a coordenadora de Campanhas do Avaaz na época. Através desta análise, pode-se averiguar que o ciberativismo contribuiu para a inclusão de novas pautas na arena política, mas, por outro lado, que não é apenas ele que garante o êxito do movimento

This thesis examines the Kurdish political mobilization in the 1960s through focusing on the case of the Eastern Meetings. These meetings were organized by the Easterners group of the Turkish Workers Party in the various provinces in the autumn 1967 in the East and Southeast Anatolia with the aim of voicing the demands, claims and the grievances of these regions and the Kurdish population. Using the theoretical framework and the analytical tools presented by the social movements and collective action theory, this thesis examines the identity formation and mobilization processes of the Eastern Meetings and situates them within the socio-political context of the 1960s. Through this analysis, the thesis aims to draw a dynamic and relational picture of a particular moment in the history of Kurdish political activism.

Youth wings exist worldwide, connect youths with political parties, and mobilize youth to political engagement. Youth wings engagement often entails offline political engagement such as debates and demonstrations. However, during the two-year pandemic, youth wings and their members had to move their political engagement mostly online since they and the rest of the world needed to conduct social distancing to stop the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic ended this year, 2022, and studies have been conducted around political engagement during social distancing. However, no study has researched how the digitalization effect of the pandemic has affected youths' wings and its member's online mobilization and engagement. This study intends, therefore, to study how the eight Swedish youth wing and their members view how their online mobilization and political engagement during the pandemic has changed. Therefore, to understand the youth wings and its members' political mobilization and engagement does the study use semi-structured interviews to gain a subjective understanding of their perspectives. The data was then analyzed through thematic analysis and later theoretical examined through the dimensions of political engagement and mobilization and the private sphere. Finally, these theories were applied to the data to understand what actions can be viewed as political mobilization and engagement and how digital media affect political actions. Youth wings exist worldwide and connect youths with political parties and mobilize youth to political engagement. Youth wings engagement often entails offline political engagement such as debates and demonstrations. However, during the two-year pandemic, youth wings and their members had to move their political engagement mostly online since they and the rest of the world needed to conduct social distancing to stop the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic ended this year, 2022, and studies have been conducted around political engagement during social distancing. However, no study has researched how the digitalization effect of the pandemic has affected youths' wings and its member's online mobilization and engagement. This study intends, therefore, to study how the eight Swedish youth wing and their members view how their online mobilization and political engagement during the pandemic has changed. Therefore, to understand the youth wings and its members' political mobilization and engagement does the study use semi-structured interviews to gain a subjective understanding of their perspectives. The data was then analyzed through thematic analysis and later theoretical examined through the dimensions of political engagement and mobilization and the private sphere. Finally, these theories were applied to the data to understand what actions can be viewed as political mobilization and engagement and how digital media affect political actions.

The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the voting restrictions of the Swedish franchise reform of 1909. These restrictions required that the voter should be a male of good repute, who had paid his national and local taxes for three years before the election year, had done his military service, had not been declared incapacitated or bankrupt nor owed society any poor relief. In practice, this meant that some 20% of the adult male population were excluded from voting. This study explores both the ideological beliefs and political strategies behind these restrictions, and how the system worked in practice at the national and local levels. Since earlier literature has paid scant attention to the voter’s status as a citizen, this dissertation uses citizenship as one of its analytical tools. Although often described as universal suffrage for men, the 1909 Electoral Law was thus less radical than is usually assumed. As you had to have fulfilled certain obligations as a citizen in order to vote, it is hard to say that voting was a right. A central role in formulating these new conditions was played by the Riksdag’s moderate Conservative group. The reform therefore had the potential to preserve the political influence of the Right in the age of mass democracy, not least as the question of the unrestricted franchise for men and women could be deferred. However, the 1909 Electoral Law was not only aimed at reducing the political influence of the lower classes, but the proponents of the system also wanted to educate the citizens ideologically by constructing an image of the ideal citizen as a self-supporting male, who fulfilled his obligations to society. The National Women’s Franchise Association, whose campaign demanded suffrage for women on the same conditions as men, therefore had to relate to a political discourse dominated by (male) civic virtues and qualifications, and argue that women made a major contribution by fulfilling their special obligations to society. Also, the tax payment and poor relief voting restrictions in the 1909 franchise reform had an impact on the way proposals for women’s right to vote were formulated. The Social Democrats, whose electorate was heavily affected by the taxpaying qualification, in their programme for a constitutional reform demanded that this particular restriction should be abolished. To limit the number of party voters excluded from the polls, Social Democratic newspapers and election offices tried to mobilise disenfranchised workers to appeal the electoral register and get back on it. Those activities, which have been largely neglected in earlier research on the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, came to constitute an important element in the party’s election campaigns during the 1910s. In Sweden, the poor relief voting restriction (the pauper exclusion) was applied in a much more general way than in other countries, disqualifying recipients of very small or provisional amounts that had not been repaid as well as family providers who had received poor relief because of family members. The rules also proved very difficult to put into practice. The Social Democrats and many Liberals, but also leading members of the Swedish Poor Relief Association wanted to reform the law so that only those permanently supported by poor relief should lose their right to vote. Unlike the Social Democrats, the Liberals supported the taxpaying qualification as a necessary token of orderliness. However, they wanted the conscientious poor taxpayers to be distinguished from those who were neglectful and dilatory. As the Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government, which came to power in 1917, found out, this proved impossible. Instead, the taxpaying qualification was abolished in connection with the 1918-1921 constitutional reform, which also gave women the vote and limited the poor relief voting restriction to those permanently receiving support. In sum, the 1909 franchise reform did not constitute a sharp divide between the old system of income and property qualifications and twentieth century democracy. There was a clear continuity with the former system, in which you earned the right to vote by fulfilling your obligations. The 1909 reform did not lead to universal suffrage for men. Instead, it should be regarded as an intermediate stage in the development towards universal suffrage. Property and income qualifications for voters were abolished, but new qualifications and new mechanisms for exclusion were introduced instead. In this respect, Sweden was not unique. Before adopting universal suffrage, many countries combined universal suffrage with various voting restrictions. In Sweden, however, the right to vote came with an unusually large number of conditions.

This thesis analyzes the inherent informal political relations embedded in urban planning process in the city of Ankara between 1985 and 2005. It has been argued that, urban planning process is -by nature- a political process and micro level political interactions in urban political sphere can be observed by looking at it. The urban planning process, as a political process interacts with existing political mobilization mechanisms and their spatial reflections. Such an interaction may cause emergence of informal political networks interested in derivation of urban land rent. The emergence, sustenance and persistence of these networks are related with the opportunities and legitimization potential of urban planning process. For the verification of hypothesis of the research the city of Ankara was taken as the subject of case study. A methodology consisting of a two phase research is devised to analyze the nature and the dynamics of these networks In the first phase a conventional statistical analysis the research universe consisting of all the all urban development plans and modifications realized in Ankara between 1985 and 2005 was realized. Then, in the second phase based on the patterns explored in the research universe, a specific example of urban planning process was chosen, which represents the patterns of the research universe. This example, &Ccedil / ayyolu 907 Parcel, then subjected to social network analysis. The results of the research has shown that, when the structure of the local political structure changes altogether as a result of for example local elections, the structure of existing informal political networks and the way they exploit urban land rent changes. In these periods the number of urban development plans and urban development plan modifications increase, while the size of the area covered by these plans tends to decrease and mostly confined to prospective areas in central business district and residential areas. Yet, by the time passes, new and diverse political relations are established congruent with the existing political mobilization mechanisms. This time, although the number of plans decreases, the size of the area covered by plans increase and mostly, vacant land in the fringe of the urban macro form become the target of these networks. Although these networks involve a hierarchy in it, extensive brokerage and patron client relations sustain them.

The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals’ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e-democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. The structure of the protests is analysed through the new social movement theory. Also, various approaches to engagement of people in the social movements are presentedl, including political marketing framework. The research was conducted in several main stages, using content analysis, survey and interviewing as main methods. The main conclusions of the study: relatively minor impact of social media in the engagement of people in the protest, a narrow section of the population as the audience of social media protesters (for them civil society mostly played a role of a customer need), and yet a significant potential of ICT in the future political life of the country.

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The thesis explores the mobilization strategy of the non-systemic far right in Russia. The study focuses on two aspects of this phenomenon. First, it examines the mobilization strategy and second, it analyses its impact on the success of the far right's political demands. The thesis applies the theoretical concept of social movement and the classification of collective action by Sidney Tarrow. Mobilization is a complex issue that cannot be researched as an isolated event. For this reason, the thesis also focuses on the determinants that precede such mobilization and that, simultaneously,affect its form and strength. The thesis concludes that the most effective mobilization strategy is to concentrate on organizing disruptive and episodic actions in which the condition of the presence of an inter-ethnic conflict must be met. Among the typical features of such disruptive and episodic collective actions, the following can be listed: a requirement for displacement of the non-Russian population from the conflict area, the formation of local security and political strutures, and effective work with disinformation and media in general. Finally, the thesis determines that the mobilization strategy was more impactful on the regional level where the far right was more successful in pressing its demands. At...