Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Reissued 30 May 2017 with correction to degree on title page. / The thesis argues that the Maoist-led government in post-insurgency Nepal has failed to deliver on the promises of reform that brought it to power. The long-enduring social and economic grievances based on the Nepali Hindu social structure persist. Starting in 1996, the Maoists successfully capitalized on such grievances, and with the promise of radical reforms, led a decade-long successful insurgency. A political negotiation incorporating major Maoist demands ended the insurgency in 2006. The electoral victory right after the end of the insurgency provided the Maoists with the mandate and opportunity to reform traditional socio-economic and political structure. Unfortunately, the post-2006 period is seeing an emergence of political instability akin to the post-1991 era. This thesis examines the state of reforms in post-insurgency Nepal to identify the gaps between the promises made and the reforms implemented that are causing ongoing grievances. The thesis also highlights the importance of the coalition culture in producing political stability to eliminate persistent grievances and implement reforms for the future stability of Nepal. / Lieutenant Colonel, Nepalese Army

Comment une opposition partisane a pu s’implanter dans un jeu politique marqué par le régime de parti unique jusqu’à se faire concurrencer par des mouvements contestataires ? Aux confluents de la sociologie des partis et des mobilisations politiques, cette thèse se veut une étude de la formation de l’opposition à travers une analyse des oppositions militantes et partisanes telles que voulues et entretenues par les régimes présidentiels qui se sont succédés des années 70 à nos jours. Cette étude a montré que la formation de l’identité militante oppositionnelle est estampillée du modèle des partis politiques arrimés aux mouvements contestataires qui ont marqué la transformation du régime dès les années 80. Cette identité s’est accentuée après les années 2000 avec les transformations de l’opposition partisane concurrencée par d’autres identités qui se fraient un chemin dans le champ politique constitué des mouvements citoyen, religieux et juvénile.L’engagement des nouveaux entrants dans le champ politique aux identités multiples (citoyenne, intellectuelle et religieux) a bouleversé la donne oppositionnelle des partis politiques : Va-t-on vers un renouveau des mouvements d’opposition ou assiste-t-on à une crise de la représentation partisane de l’opposition ? Au plan théorique, ce travail plaide pour l’usage d’une approche sociologique de l’opposition pour rendre compte des logiques contestataires des acteurs partisans et non partisans qui structurent la vie politique et par ricochet les transformations des régimes présidentiels sénégalais. / How could a partisan opposition establish itself in a political game marked by the one-party regime in such a way as to be a challenge by protest movements? At The confluence of the sociology of political parties and political mobilizations, this thesis is a study of the formation of the opposition through an analysis of activist and partisan opposition, as intended and maintained by presidential regimes from the 70s to today. This study has shown that the formation of the opposition activist identity is stamped with the model of political parties tied to the protest movements that marked the transformation of the regime as of the 80s. This identity increased after 2000 transformations with partisan competition from other identities that make their way into the political arena consisting of citizens, religious and youth movements. The commitment of the new entrants into the political arena with multiple identities (civic, intellectual and religious) upset the situation of the oppositional political parties. Are we witnessing a revival of opposition movements or do we have a crisis of partisan representation of the opposition? At the theoretical level, this work advocates the use of a sociological approach to the opposition to account for the protest logic of partisan and non-partisan actors that shape the political life and as indirect result, the transformation of Senegalese presidential regimes.

Swedish political parties are characterized by their markedly different support across geographical space. In most cases, the sources of these regional variations date back to the time of the founding of the parties. Moreover, the regional strongholds and the areas of weak support for the parties have survived major societal changes such as the transition from the agrarian to the industrial society, emigration, and urbanization. Why is it that a certain area evolves a political tradition that sets it apart from neighboring areas? This study addresses itself to this and similar topics with empirical emphasis on the Swedish Social Democratic Party (the SAP).The study is based on the conviction that the regional imbalance in the SAP vote originates in the interaction/competition between various social and political movements in the local environment. The initial model used to explain these imbalances comprises three different factors that influence the party's vote: the socio-economic structure, the local organizational environment and the effect of local party organizational efforts.In order to test the importance of these factors three different areas were selected; one strong, one weak, and one unstable in terms of the Social Democratic vote.The findings show that no single factor alone accounts for the variance in the regional support of the SAP. Rather, what is decisive are the interactions within the structural and social properties of a context.By way of conclusion, this study lends support to the following conclusions of the prospects for the SAP to mobilize the electorate: to establish itself in the local setting the party needs an organizational culture, a local party organization and the absence of strong local opinion against the party's activities and organizational efforts. The party also seems to be favored by a high level of political mobilization (participation), whereas there is nothing to suggest that the SAP's prospects of becoming successful are hampered by competition from the left-wing parties. / digitalisering@umu

Au Canada, la première forme de système politique comportant une assemblée de représentants élus a vu le jour à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Dans l’ancienne colonie de la Nouvelle-France, une population qui n’avait jamais connu de démocratie auparavant s’est familiarisée avec la vie civique en moins de 50 ans. Ce mémoire porte sur une expérience de mobilisation populaire à la veille des Rébellions de 1837-1838. Il cherche plus précisément à comprendre les modalités mises en place dans le monde rural afin de canaliser l’appui populaire envers le Parti patriote dans le district de Montréal. Cet angle permet de faire ressortir la participation accrue des Canadiens lors de la période tendue qui suivit le dépôt des Quatre-Vingt-Douze Résolutions en 1834. Cette thèse se propose donc de montrer le lien entre la mobilisation politique et les pratiques émanant de la masse populaire. Ce mémoire démontre donc l’influence de la population paysanne du Bas-Canada dans la culture politique des patriotes et de ce fait, souligne les procédés que les individus ont mis en place au cours de leur apprentissage démocratique. / In Canada, the first political system with popular representation was established in the late 18th century. In the former colony of New France, a population that had never known democracy before familiarized itself with civic life in less than 50 years. This thesis focuses on one case of popular mobilization on the eve of the Rebellions of 1837-1838. It specifically seeks to understand the practices established in rural areas of the district of Montreal to channel popular support for the Parti patriote. This angle allows us to emphasize the increased participation of Canadiens in the tense period following the filing of the 92 Resolutions in 1834. This thesis proposes to show the link between political mobilization and practices emanating from the masses. The humble ambition of this thesis is, therefore, to show the influence of the peasant population of Lower Canada in the political culture of the Patriotes and therefore underline the practices that individuals adopted in their democratic learning process.

The town of Amherst, Massachusetts is home to the flagship campus of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst College, and Hampshire College, institutions that have greatly influenced the town’s prolific history of political activism as well as the high educational attainment and economic status of the majority of its residents. Often hailed as a liberal utopia, research on the political mobilization occurring in this town provides insight into the process and limitations of ally politics: when most of the residents of Amherst are White, how do they engage in racial justice activism? When most of the residents are wealthy and/or highly educated, how do they engage in challenges to capitalism’s structural inequalities? In this thesis, I approach these questions by examining the political mobilization process of myself and others in three organizations: Coming Together, Re-Evaluation Counseling (RC), and the student organization, UMass Alliance for Community Transformation (UACT). I explore how Coming Together focused on antiracism in a process of focused personal reflection about racial identity and personal antiracism practices, and how that process silenced the people of color in the organization, was vii detrimental to my own mental health, and demobilized many potential-activists. In an effort to understand this organization better, I explore the practices of personal reflection and the vision of social change in RC, an organization which greatly influenced Coming Together. I argue that the more holistic and rigorous personal reflection in RC was more empowering, although taxing of energy. Finally, I contrast these experiences with the political mobilization I experienced in the UACT introductory course, Grassroots Community Organizing (GCO). I argue that the ongoing facilitation in critical personal reflection, relationship- and community-building, and practice in activism work in GCO was politically mobilizing and simultaneously produced a community culture of anti oppression. Ultimately, this thesis argues that effective activism against racism requires activism against capitalism, and vice-versa, and that highly intentional anti-oppression community-building can denaturalize, and mobilize participants against, the capitalist ideologies of alienation and competition. In order to do this comparative work, I rely heavily on the methods of participation observation and, rooted in Black feminist anthropology, autoethnography.

本研究為探討搖滾音樂演唱會：「Say Yes to Taiwan」在文化行銷中所呈現的諸種面向，包含了行銷模式分析與音樂的社會功能之文化論述。「Say Yes to Taiwan」為台灣目前負載公共議題訴求音樂活動之翹楚，不但規模已臻成熟，自2000年以來每年持續地舉辦也形成了活動自身的歷史，其與政治、社會運動之間的關連性更是台灣其他流行音樂所缺乏的，故值得作為音樂展演文化分析的對象。依照黃葳威(2003)對文化行銷所下之定義：「依據國家原生文化的取向設定宗旨任務，而進行特定族群藝文教育、知識的推廣，及特定族群文化產品與相關服務的提供，以期達成傳承與交流特定族群文化的理想」我們可知，「Say Yes to Taiwan」以一個不收費的音樂演唱會藝文活動，來推動台灣主體性理念之活動宗旨，並進行本土搖滾創作音樂的推廣，以其達到促使年輕群眾關心公共議題的目標等等，的確是符合文化行銷的定義。同時，藉以分析這個帶有政治理念訴求的「音樂社會運動」，不難看出其中音樂與政治動員的連帶關係，音樂自此跳脫了純美學討論的範疇，進而介入了社會與政治的實際運作，音樂以其「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的獨特社會功能，對於群眾的動員與社會變革產生了可能的影響，因此，藉由對音樂演唱會活動的文化行銷模式分析為起點，發現活動背後深層的文化意涵，是本研究的論述方向。 根據Costa and Bamossy在1995年時提出一個關於分析文化行銷的模式，探討國家原生文化對於文化行銷所可能產生的層級影響，以及多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構，本研究首先發現，在台灣目前國族認同斷裂、分歧的現況下，「Say Yes to Taiwan」活動亟欲「再現」一個台灣本土性認同之原生文化意識實踐，在這個大原則的指導下，對於文化行銷層級所產生的影響：無不以鞏固台灣主體定位為優先；在任務定位方面，是推動認同台灣、邀請國外樂團參以期達到影響國際視聽之效，另外並進一步促使年輕族群關心公共議題的討論與促進地方音樂文化與觀光產業的繁榮發展；在對藝文教育與知識的態度方面，則是幫助一般觀眾了解與欣賞台灣的創作音樂，並且鼓勵從台灣本土角度出發進行的藝術創作；在活動與節目內容、服務相關零售紀念品和行銷的態度上，則是選擇與認同台灣意識的藝人、企業、組織單位合作；在對所訴求參與觀眾的定位上，則是鎖定年輕人作為目標群眾，希望將台灣認同的理念、關心公共議題的素養推廣至年輕人身上。由此可見「認同台灣」的國家原生文化的意識形態實踐對於「Say Yes to Taiwan」文化行銷的總體性層級影響。 接著，本研究根據多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構模式分析發現各區塊的文化行銷特色與矛盾，並分析出多元區塊間彼此的矛盾與衝突之處，包括：爭取贊助單位資源之經濟目標與推廣本土創作音樂的教育、知識推廣目標產生了衝突，贊助單位希望邀請主流藝人演出以求取悅大眾，但主辦單位卻希望維持推廣創作搖滾樂團的教育目的，以及關鍵決策人士之間，由於彼此的年齡代溝，而有對此一流行文化活動看法不同的角色衝突存在，老一輩的關鍵決策者心儀古典菁英音樂文化，對於年輕關鍵決策者所力持的流行文化搖滾樂抱持懷疑態度。至於在關鍵行銷區塊方面，可分為針對觀眾與贊助單位所作的行銷，又可分為下列細項：年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾、關心政治議題的潛在觀眾、民間政治團體贊助單位、政府相關部門贊助單位、企業贊助單位以及媒體贊助單位。而想要在同一個活動中同時攘括年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾，與喜愛流行音樂的一般潛在觀眾，這兩種在社群本質特色上相衝突的關鍵行銷區塊，可能會產生活動本質錯亂的危險，於是在年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、與喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾這兩個關鍵行銷區塊之間，便產生了潛在相衝突的可能。 於是在SYTT文化行銷模式中所出現的「SWOT」與多元區塊間的衝突，本研究力求從文化面分析中來為其找出解答與改善建議，包括：應重視評估計畫的重要——以適於活動組織本身規模與負擔的現場問卷調查，輔以影音、文字記錄來作為評估計畫研究進行的資料蒐集法，並交由組織內部專職或外部專門人員加以分析；發展細緻的理性論述——將文字論述重點轉移至對台灣內部的關心和反省，以及將活動定位由台灣與中國間的「政治」問題提升至反對中國對台灣武力壓迫的「反戰」問題，以求獲得國際視聽的認同；發展音樂演唱會以外，與本身音樂活動相關的組織性活動；維護搖滾音樂的品牌識別性；與贊助單位建立良好的溝通管道以培養長久的贊助關係以及發展多元資源來源，其中包括——以影音複製品的販賣以求增加營收，並選擇適合自身特色，且能動性高的另類媒介作為活動訊息的宣傳管道；最後一點則是活動焦點往台灣內部轉向與擴展。透過以上建議的提出，希望能對「Say Yes to Taiwan」的文化行銷分析作出實質的幫助。 在前一部份較為「微觀」的文化行銷模式細部分析之後，本研究最後擬將此一研究主題放置於「鉅觀」的整體社會、政治結構互動關係中來作文化性的整合討論，藉以深化文化行銷分析的論述。文中以搖滾樂的「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的音樂社會功能為起點，以及與群眾「一體」的社群力量，得以成為群眾發聲的代言媒介，接連分析音樂如何介入政治動員的可能，與發展社會運動新型態的功能。當然音樂不是革命，也許無法真正實際地去影響政治與社會變革，但它的次文化社群召喚性卻可輕易地促使我們開始注意並關心公共議題，造成思想上的質變，尤其是它對年輕人的影響力，其所形成的與論與關心力量，足以對國家機構施加變革壓力，使國家機構無法輕忽人民心聲，相信這是音樂對於政治與社會變革的實際實踐作為之所在。搖滾音樂演唱會，諸如此處的「Say Yes to Taiwan」，以其號召力激發後續的背負公共議題理念的演唱會活動出現，等於是促使連續不止的公共領域出現，成為理性對談語言的寄存所，於是搖滾音樂或搖滾音樂演唱會這種相對另類的媒體，對於推動公共議題理念的文化行銷與傳播功效，的確是不容忽視的。 / The topic of this study is about the cultural marketing of the rock concert ”Say Yes to Taiwan” , including the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model and the cultural discuss about the social function of music. Now in Taiwan, ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is the leader of the concerts which carry the public claim, not only it’s scale comes to a head, but also it’s long term activity’s history. It’s correlation with the politics and the social movement is also the biggest difference between the local creative rock music and the local pop music , that’s why ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is worth of being the topic of the cultural marketing study. According to Wai-Wai Huang’s definition of cultural marketing : ”Base upon the natural culture of the state, setting the bearing and the mission, promoting the artistic education and information of the particular group, and offering the cultural production and the interrelated service of the particular group, hoping to accomplish the ideality of translating and communicating the culture of the particular group(Wai-Wai Huang, 2003).” Because ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is a free rock concert, it hopes to promote the”Taiwanese identity ideology” and the local creative music, it also hopes to let the young audiences caring about the public issue, so it corresponds with the definition of the cultural marketing indeed. At meanwhile, via studying this ideal and political “social movement of music”, it’s easy for us to see the correlation between the music and the political mobilization. From now on, the music not only belongs to the aesthetic discussion, but also involves the practice of social and political improvement. Music uses it’s unique social function: “creating identity, experiencing emotion and organizing time” to make the social transignfication and the mobilization of people possible. Therefore, via the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model ,then finding the deep cultural meaning of this concert, is the emphasis of this study.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In pursuit of the objectives of the U.S. National Security Strategy and the National Military Strategy, the U.S. Armed Forces require access to military and logistics facilities overseas to be able to support and sustain its combat power projection. Access to these places translates into capabilities. An American military forward presence in time of peace as well as during a regional crisis lends credibility to U.S. diplomacy. Moreover, access to forward locations is expedient when engaging transnational threats or supporting humanitarian missions, e.g., the South and Southeast Asia tsunami relief operations. This thesis analyzes the political opposition to U.S. military presence in Thailand and the Philippines. The historical context that led to the development of this opposition is examined in detail. The rationale of those who oppose, as well as those who support, American military presence is clearly delineated. By understanding the sensitive political issues, U.S. military planners and operators can adapt base access strategies according to the existing political climate in these two countries. The politics unique to each environment will dictate the combination of "basing" approaches tailored to meet the U.S. military objectives as well as the public diplomacy required to support them. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.

La Pennsylvanie est un État complexe dans sa géographie économique, urbaine et raciale et, partant, dans les comportements électoraux de ses citoyens. Cette thèse examine la manière dont le Tea Party s’y est organisé et les modes de mobilisation qu’il a adoptés. Fort d’une tradition conservatrice souvent sous-estimée, l'État de William Penn constitue un bon observatoire pour étudier l'évolution et les mutations du mouvement conservateur et de son bras armé électoral, le Parti républicain. L’observation de terrain démontre que le Tea Party ne peut pas être appréhendé indépendamment d’une large galaxie de groupes nationaux et locaux, de think tanks, de médias avec lesquels il entretient des relations souvent conflictuelles.La thèse met en lumière la mutation d’un mouvement social médiatisé en une mobilisation politique dont les efforts se concentrent à l’échelle fédérée et locale. Rétifs à toute institutionnalisation, les groupes locaux voudraient restituer aux citoyens des processus de décision que l’appareil républicain aurait confisqués à son profit. Stratégie d’entrisme, pressions sur les élus, travail idéologique d’organisations de terrain, action concertée au Congrès ont fait glisser le centre de gravité du GOP vers un conservatisme pour lequel la capacité à nouer des compromis pour gouverner est disqualifiée. En dépit d’une force militante en recul, la nébuleuse Tea Party soumet idéologiquement le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain à de fortes pressions qui ne sont pas étrangères à la confusion qui caractérise la situation politique actuelle du pays. / Pennsylvania is a complex state in its economic, urban, and racial geographies, accordingly complex is the electoral behavior of its citizens. This thesis examines the ways in which Tea Party groups in Pennsylvania mobilized and organized. The often overlooked conservative tradition of William Penn’s state makes it an excellent case study to examine the evolution and mutations of the conservative movement and of its electoral arm, the Republican party. The fieldwork conducted in this thesis shows that the Tea Party cannot be understood without taking into account a great number of national and local groups, think tanks, and media personalities with whom it often has chaotic relationships.This work focuses on the evolution of a visible social movement into a political mobilization that targets the state and local levels. Local Tea Party groups, who are opposed to any form of institutionalization, fight to snatch power from the hands of the GOP establishment to give it back to the voters. Gradual infiltration of the Republican party, constant pressure on elected officials, ideological work conducted by advocacy organizations, and concerted action in Congress have driven the GOP towards a brand of conservatism that rejects any idea of compromise in governing. Despite a drop in the number of activists, the Tea Party movement has subjected the conservative movement and the Republican party to heavy ideological pressure, which partly explains the current confusion in the country’s political landscape.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:11:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 121350.pdf: 11953559 bytes, checksum: 4a9a6c9211752ce668a53a7acadc51bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-31 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In the last two decades, Latin America witnessed the emergence of civil society initiatives aimed at qualifying citizen participation, the production and systematization of information, the development of citizen perception surveys and in monitoring public administration. Leading this phenomenon are networks Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, Red Latinoamericana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables and its related Brazilian network. A common feature of these networks is their political goal of building fairer, democratic and sustainable cities. This work aimed to understand the extent of the experiences of three Brazilian cities - Florianópolis, Ilhabela and Ilheus, comprising the Brazilian and Latin American network, understood as collective action and expressing and influencing democratic governance and social accountability, generating incidence in political institutions and in other areas. The research is a qualitative and interpretive study. Data was collected in loco, in the participation of meetings and workshops that occurred through experiences, as well as conducting 25 interviews with leaders and participating groups, including local government. The analysis model was constructed from the analytical category of contencious politics, of Tarrow (2009), and the theory of collective action of political mobilization, linking them to references about democratic governance and prospects for associated accountability such as social, hybrid, diagonal and relational accountability. The results show the mutual influence between democratic governance and accountability, generated by these initiatives. While they represent new actors in governance, they show strategies for strengthening existing governance channels, demonstrating new possibilities and forms of accountability, such as social, in the construction of what they perceive as sustainable cities. Incidence is observed in areas such as: local agenda, city governance, political institutions, political and electoral debate, public policy, partner organizations and people. / A América Latina presenciou, nas duas últimas décadas, o surgimento de iniciativas da sociedade civil voltadas à qualificação da participação cidadã, à produção e à sistematização de informações, ao desenvolvimento de pesquisas de percepção cidadã e ao monitoramento do poder público. Expressões desse fenômeno são a Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, a Red Latino-americana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables e a sua correlata brasileira. Característica comum a estas redes é o seu objetivo político de construir cidades mais justas, democráticas e sustentáveis. Este trabalho buscou compreender em que medida as experiências de três cidades brasileiras - Florianópolis, Ilhabela e Ilhéus, que integram a rede brasileira e latino-americana, entendidas enquanto ação coletiva, expressam e influenciam a governança democrática e a accountability social, gerando incidência nas instituições políticas e em outros âmbitos. A pesquisa de cunho qualitativo e interpretativo, coletou dados in loco, na participação em reuniões e encontros promovidos pelas experiências, além da realização de 25 entrevistas com lideranças e grupos participantes, incluindo o poder público local. O modelo de análise foi construído a partir da categoria analítica do confronto político, de Tarrow (2009), e da teoria da ação coletiva da mobilização política, articulando-as a referenciais sobre governança democrática e perspectivas de accountability associadas, como a social, a híbrida, a diagonal e a relacional. Os resultados apontam a mútua influência entre governança democrática e accountability, geradas por estas iniciativas. Ao mesmo tempo em que elas representam novos atores na governança, evidenciam estratégias de fortalecimento dos canais da governança existente, demonstrando novas possibilidades e modalidades de accountability, como a social, na construção daquilo que entendem como cidades sustentáveis. A incidência é observada em âmbitos como: agenda local, governança da cidade, instituições políticas, debate político e eleitoral, políticas públicas, organizações parceiras e pessoas.