No description available.

When the National Party came into power in 1948, Apartheid began to influence all facets of South African life, also that of the theatre. This study documents Apartheid legislation and the resistance against it, then turns to a consideration of the most important protest dramas. The complex political background is utilized to identify and discuss three distinct lines of development, represented by the Afrikaans, English and Black theatre traditions. The Afrikaans-speaking white playwright was initially part of the Afrikaner's encompassing struggle for self-determination and self-assertion, where language, religion and nationalism played a dominant role. After the realization of the Afrikaner Nationalist ideals the Afrikaans writer gradually developed from mythbuilder to iconoclast: from "national hero" to "traitor". The resulting Afrikaans political protest theatre was aimed mainly at fellow Afrikaners and thus usually took on the guise of a drama of conscience, critically examining the Afrikaner psyche. Such plays did not advocate the subversion of the political system, but rather the humanization thereof. It comes from within the system: an examination of the Afrikaner, his ideas about religion, his ties to the land, his racial fear and prejudice, and his obsession with racial purity. The English speaking white playwright was initially represented as the liberal outsider with a humanitarian concern for the injustices wrought by racial discrimination, but at the same time sharing a sense of complicity in the situation and deeply rooted in the country. This complicity evolved into a full acceptance of responsibility by means of their involvement with black theatre groups, the establishment and management of non-racial theatres and companies, guidance to workshops and community projects, as well as the creation and writing of new plays. The criticism expressed predominantly derives from "white" perspectives on the South African reality (which tend to fix on the colour issue). The exceptions here are Athol Fugard' s workshop productions, which incorporate the "black experience" as well. The Black protest theatre (in its recognizable, Western form) developed late. Exposing the misery of the black citizen's daily existence under Apartheid, these works advocated the violent overthrow of the "regime" as the only permanent solution. Measured against Western standards the plays had a number of flaws: lack of structure, undisciplined acting and production, repetitive themes, cliches, as well as a tendency to over-simplify the political problem. The form incorporates aspects of traditional practices such as story-telling, song, dance, multi-role acting and ceremonial actions, but the content is determined by the urban, industrialized experience. Although there are more similarities between the development of the Black and Afrikaans political protest theatre, co-operation tended to develop largely between the Black and English theatre. In the decade after Soweto 1976 political protest dominated the South African theatre. While this movement did not actually succeed in subverting the "regime" or even in generating full-scale insurgence against the state, it did have an effect. Among the economically advantaged and elite white theatregoers, the "black" theatre fostered an awareness of daily life in the black community, and the "white" theatre a questioning of the morality of the social, religious and political order. The same plays provided the broad mass of black audiences with a heightened awareness of their own identity and self-esteem within the communal escape valve of public protest. By granting this form of theatre a prominent place in the ongoing public debate, the daily newspapers markedly increased the theatre's influence and impact. / Afrikaans: Met die bewindsoorname van die Nasionale Party in 1948 begin Apartheid 'n invloed op alle vlakke van die Suid-Afrikaanse bestaan uitoefen, ook op die teater. In hierdie studie word die Apartheidswetgewing en die verset daarteen uiteengesit, waarna die belangrikste protesdramas van die Afrikaanse, Engelse en Swart teater afsonderlik as drie ontwikkelingstrome teen hierdie komplekse politieke agtergrond beskryf word. Die Afrikaanssprekende blanke dramaturg skryf aanvanklik vanuit die totale Afrikanerstryd tot selfvestiging en -bevestiging, waarin taal, godsdiens en nasionalisme sentraal staan. Na die verwesenliking van die AfrikanerNasionalistiese ideale begin die Afrikaanse skrywer geleidelik ontwikkel van mitefiseerder tot ikonoklaster: van "volksheld" tot "volksverraaier". Die Afrikaanse politieke protesdrama is veral teen die mede-Afrikaner gemik, en word daarom meestal gewetensdrama wat die Afrikanerpsige krities ondersoek. Dit bepleit nie die omverwerping van die bestel nie, eerder die mensliker-maak daarvan. Dit kom van binne die sisteem: 'n ondersoek na die Afrikaner, sy godsdiensbegrip, gebondenheid aan die grond, rasse-vrees en -vooroordeel en sy obsessie met rasse-suiwerheid. Die Engelssprekende blanke dramaturg het aanvanklik die indruk gewek van die liberate buitestaander wat humaniter-besorg die onreg van rasse-diskriminasie aandui, maar terselfdertyd ook 'n mede-aandadigheid aan die situasie en 'n geworteldheid in die land ervaar. Hierdie aandadigheid ontwikkel tot 'n volle aanspreeklikheid in die samewerking met swart teatergroepe, die oprig en bestuur van nie-rassige teaters en geselskappe, optrede _ as leiers van werkwinkels en gemeenskapsprojekte en die skep en skryf van dramas. Die kritiek kom oorwegend vanuit die "blanke" realiteitbeskouing (wat wesenlik kleurbehep is) met die uitsondering van Athol Fugard se werkwinkelprojekte waarin die "swart ervaring" uitgebeeld word. Die Swart protesteater (in sy herkenbare, Westerse vorm) het 'n laat ontwikkeling gehad. Dit openbaar die ellende van die alledaagse bestaan van die swartman onder Apartheid en bepleit die gewelddadige omverwerping van die "regime" as enigste blywende oplossing. Gemeet aan Westerse standaarde het dit heelwat gebreke gehad: struktuurloosheid, ongedissiplineerde spel en aanbieding, herhalende temas, cliches, asook oorvereenvoudiging van die problematiek. Die vorm daarvan sluit nou aan by tradisionele gebruike soos vertelling, sang, dans, multi-rolspel en seremoniele handeling. Die inhoud word egter bepaal deur die stedelike, geindustrialiseerde ervaring. Alhoewel daar meer raakpunte tussen die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse en Swart politieke protesteater is, het samewerking veral tussen Swart en Engels plaasgevind, en nie tussen Afrikaans en Swart nie. In die dekade na Soweto 1976 was daar 'n ontploffing van politieke protesteater. Dit het nie die omverwerping van die "regime~_ of 'n grootskaalse opstand teen die staatsgesag veroorsaak nie. Wat wel bereik is, is dat daar deur die "swart" teater by 'n groep blanke toeskouers, uit die hoer klasse van die samelewing, 'n bewussyn gekweek is van die daaglikse lewensomstandighede van die anderskleurige Suid-Afrikaner; deur die "wit" teater 'n bevraagtekening van die moraliteit van die sosiale, godsdienstige en politieke orde; en by die swart gehore 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die eie identiteit en waarde binne die saambindende uitlaatklep van openbare protes. Terselfdertyd het die dagblaaie deur hulle omvangryke verslaggewing hierdie vorm van teater in die openbare debat geplaas en daardeur die trefkrag en invloed verhoog. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 1994. / Drama / DPhil / Unrestricted

In this thesis I will demonstrate that there is a similarity between the use of physical walls and digital walls as means of ideological dissemination by power structures as well as socio-political protesters. Also, I will show that their use in this manner not only changes the way that both function ideologically, but also changes the environment that these walls are created/exist in as well. The first case study will analyze Banksy’s employment of carnivalesque graffiti as a means of protest. The second case study will analyze the use of digital public space and “walls” created within social media as tools of protest, paralleling the earlier examples pertaining to the physical walls of public space. The third case study will look at the employment of the digital “walls” of Facebook and Twitter in conjunction with the use of public space in Cairo and its role in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.

One of the most significant acts of protest against the rule of Vladimir Putin was staged by the punk group Pussy Riot in Christ the Saviour’s Cathedral in Moscow in February 2012. The protest was one of several actions during the last decade where Russian artists had questioned the role of the Russian Orthodox Church, but this time the role of the Church in relation to the State rule was directly highlighted. This caused strong reactions internationally and in Russia, and there is a need to look into the arguments used in the debate in detail, using discourse analysis. This thesis, therefore, investigates what discourses the most prominent stakeholders – the Church, the State and Pussy Riot – rely on in the public debate around the Pussy Riot performance and the trial. Interconnections between different discourses are also investigated in order to gain a better insight into how religion, politics and popular culture interact in Russia today. The most important conclusion in this thesis is that religion and religious discourse affect legal and political practices in Russia today in ways that are not normally expected in a modern and secular state.

This is the first study to approach, both historically and theoretically, the emergence and development of performance art in Greece from the 1970s to the 2010s. Drawing on an interdisciplinary framework - including feminist theory, philosophy, sociology, art history, and more - the study aims to address an evident gap in histories of contemporary Greek art. The research begins with the emergence of performative artistic practices in the 1970s, in the conditions set out by the seven-year Dictatorship (1967-1974) and follows, selectively, the complex trajectory of these practices while investigating their connection with wider socio-political and economic developments. The thesis should not be read as a survey, despite being the first book-length analysis of Greek performance art in both English and Greek. The material included here has been selective (drawn out of years of field research) and yet presents, and represents, the spectrum of themes and positions making up the history of performance art in Greece. My contention is that the rise and establishment of performance art in Greece reflected both the political ferment of the time (early 1970s) and an enquiry into the possibility of flight from traditional media. The dual aim of this study is, first, to facilitate and encourage the integration of performance art in a revised Greek art history; and, second, to contribute to an expansion of performance art histories in an international context through the negotiation of hitherto unknown material synthesised in a study of adequate length. This thesis has required large-scale in situ research and overcoming the major obstacle of the absence of relevant publicly held archives. This was one reason why even an elementary linear history of performance art had been such an overwhelming task in the past; a second reason is the overall marginalisation of performance art theory in the Greek context. Through the Greek paradigm, the thesis illuminates new aspects not only of performance but also of post-performative participatory practices, engaging new conceptualisations. By identifying fundamental issues in the production, dissemination, and reception of performance art in Greece, I provide a critical analysis not only of its achievements and potential but also of its impasses and failures. My intention in undertaking this research has been to disprove the notion - implied or stated as a matter of fact in histories of contemporary Greek art - that performance art has had only a sporadic and inconsistent presence in this 'periphery' scene. I argue that the artists investigated in this study are conclusively part of the history of performance in the 20th and 21th centuries, thereby setting the terms and calling for further research on the subject.

The study discusses selected Shona novels‟ depiction of the theme of protest in the post-independence era in Zimbabwe. The ideas that these novels generate on protest are examined in the context of socio-political and socio-cultural issues in post-independent Zimbabwe. The study is an investigation of the extent to which protest literature is indispensable in the struggle of African people to liberate themselves from imperialist servitude. Novels on socio-political protest show how the government has failed to deliver on most of its promises because of neocolonialism and corruption. Novels on socio-cultural protest show how cultural innovations in post-independence Zimbabwe brought problems .The study comes to the conclusion that for literature to be reliable and useful to society it is not enough to highlight weaknesses in criticizing, but it should go beyond that and offer constructive and corrective criticism. This shows that protest literature is a vital tool for social transformation in Zimbabwe. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

The study discusses selected Shona novels‟ depiction of the theme of protest in the post-independence era in Zimbabwe. The ideas that these novels generate on protest are examined in the context of socio-political and socio-cultural issues in post-independent Zimbabwe. The study is an investigation of the extent to which protest literature is indispensable in the struggle of African people to liberate themselves from imperialist servitude. Novels on socio-political protest show how the government has failed to deliver on most of its promises because of neocolonialism and corruption. Novels on socio-cultural protest show how cultural innovations in post-independence Zimbabwe brought problems .The study comes to the conclusion that for literature to be reliable and useful to society it is not enough to highlight weaknesses in criticizing, but it should go beyond that and offer constructive and corrective criticism. This shows that protest literature is a vital tool for social transformation in Zimbabwe. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

In the Apartheid South Africa, repression and the heightening of the Blacks' struggle for political emancipation, prompted artists to challenge the system through their music, oral poetry and writing. Most produced works of protest in English to reach a wider audience. This led to the general misconception that literatures in the indigenous languages of South Africa were insensitive to the issues of those times. This study seeks firstly to put to rest such misconception by proving that there is Commitment in these literatures as exemplified in the poetry of S.F. Motlhake. Motlhake not only expresses protest against the political system of the time, but also questions some religious and socio-cultural practices and institutions among his people. The study also examines his selected works as genuine poetry, which does not sacrifice art on the altar of propaganda. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

The tragic and devastating September 11 attacks resulted in a variety of original musical responses. Exemplary works expressed their reactions through overt 9/11-concentric dialogues to express themes of mourning, military retribution, dissent and commemoration. An examination of such works concludes that effective musical responses express a direct message clarified by supporting musical and/or textual materials. Musical materials can accentuate the specific thematic message of the responsive work as they often evoke images and emotions reminiscent of the attacks and their aftermath. Compositional techniques used in these works are often reminiscent of historical works written in similar circumstances. The recurrence of these historical approaches illuminates the timeless compositional design of historical examples and exemplifies modern advancements in music composition and production. A comparison between classical and popular post-9/11 musical compositions concludes that certain classical and popular genres deal with responsive themes more effectively than others. A recommendation for further study is enclosed.

Questa ricerca si propone di contribuire ad una prima analisi storiografica del ciclo di protesta esploso in Italia nel 1977. A nove anni dal ’68, la contestazione tornò ad agitare le università e le piazze, lottando sul terreno della creatività e dell’ironia, ma esprimendo contestualmente una forte carica violenta. L’illegalità di massa e la guerriglia diffusa finirono infatti per ingrossare le fila del «partito armato» e del terrorismo. Il ‘movimento’ degli indiani metropolitani e delle P38, proprio in ragione di questa ambiguità, fatica ancora a trovare una descrizione esaustiva, mentre la sua escalation violenta è ancora in attesa di un’eziologia convincente. Questo studio tenta quindi, in primo luogo, di ricostruire un’immagine unitaria e realistica di quel fenomeno socio-politico, a partire dalle fonti del ‘movimento’ e dalle cronache. In secondo luogo, integra la variabile istituzionale nello studio della protesta, al fine di verificare quale grado di influenza ebbe lo Stato sui processi di riattivazione della mobilitazione e, soprattutto, sulla radicalizzazione dello scontro. Il focus dell’analisi è rappresentato dall’azione assai controversa del ministero dell’Interno, allora guidato da Francesco Cossiga, che viene qui ricostruita sulla base di documenti provenienti dagli archivi di Stato. Il policing of protest è infine messo a confronto con quello della Francia dei primi anni dopo il maggio ’68, quando l’estrema sinistra minacciò una deriva violenta ma si arrestò prima di passare all’atto. / his research aims to contribute to a first preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again on in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was characterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite common and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this ‘movement’ shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with old-styled armed revolutionaries. Therefore, it is still hard and an open challenge to find an inclusive description of it and the escalation of political violence is still waiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this is research is twofold. On the one hand, it tries to rebuild a coherent and realistic picture of this phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the ‘movement’ and chronicles. On the other hand, it aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State was can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from State archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared with to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting.