Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Antônio Carlos Mazzeo / Banca: Antônio Ozai da Silva / Resumo: O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre as transformações na Igreja Católica e seus reflexos no Brasil com as publicações das encíclicas sociais que vão possibilitar o surgimento de movimentos de esquerda na Igreja. Verificam-se, inicialmente, os acontecimentos políticos e as ações católicas que nos levam a uma compreensão das características do catolicismo e seus processos na Igreja Romana e que influenciarão as estratégias políticas e pastorais da Igreja do Brasil, gerando um choque entre clérigos tradicionalistas e reformadores, tendo um reflexo em âmbito mundial durante as discussões por ocasião do Concílio Vaticano II e em nível nacional nas ações sociais da Igreja com a Teologia da Libertação. A Igreja, no afã de evitar a expansão do comunismo e de reafirmar seu poder de influência na sociedade, pautou-se pela Doutrina Social Católica e arregimentou a ação social do laicato. Futuramente os vários grupos e tendências da esquerda católica darão as bases para a formação do Partido dos Trabalhadores. / Abstract: The work present is a study on the transformations in the Catholic Church and your reflexes in Brazil with the publications of social encyclics that go to possibilite the appearing of left's moviment in the Church. Verify itself initially, the political events and the catholic actions that us take the a comprehension of catholicism's characteristics and your processes in the Roman's Church and that will influence the political strategies and Church's pastoral from Brazil, producing a shock between traditionalist clergymen and reformers, having a reflex in world extent during the discussions by occasions of Vatican II Concil in national level in the social actions of Church with the Relief's Theology. The church in the enthusiasm of to avoid the expansion of communism and of reaffirm your power of influence in the society, lined itself in the Catholic Social Doctrine and Lined up the social action of layman. Futurely the various groups and tendencies of cathollic left, will give the bases to the formation of Workers Party. / Mestre

This article analyzes political strategies of MNC subsidiaries in emerging markets. We find that institutional pressures from public and private non-market actors in the emerging market lead to increased political activism. Furthermore, we find that these relationships become stronger, when the external pressures are joined by strong firm-internal pressures. Our findings contribute to the scarce literature on firms' political strategies in emerging markets. They also support recent criticism of institutional theory's strong focus on isomorphism as the most important legitimacy-conveying mechanism. We argue that the isomorphism-based either-or logic gives way to stronger agency of the subsidiary and to a logic of active negotiation and social construction of the subsidiary's legitimacy in the emerging market. Our findings show support for this idea as political activism is one such way how the subsidiary's legitimacy can be built and nurtured.

This research evaluates the degree of political integration in Colima during the Late Classic/Epiclassic period (550-1000 CE) and the historical depth of three 16th-century regional polities through an examination of the political strategies embedded in pottery technology. Pottery samples covering three regional polities (Provincia del Colimotl, Valle de Tecomán, Provincia de Tepetitango) and corresponding to four geographical micro-regions (Colima Valley, Salado River basin, Tecomán coastal plain, western coast) were analysed. In this research, polities are conceptualised as webs of authoritative relationships, which are created and contested by political strategies. Pottery produced in the same polity should therefore be in the same network of authoritative relationships. Political strategies are uncovered by identifying the technological patterns, material and socio-technological constraints of production, sourcing-distribution patterns, organisation of production, and social contexts of the consumption of pottery. Compositional and fabric variability was assessed through the archaeometric characterisation of 215 pottery samples from 17 different sites distributed throughout the research area. The statistical analysis of the geochemical results revealed 10 compositional groups; an eleventh group was identified through petrographic analysis. Pottery and raw clay (14 samples) compositional data, together with the analysis of distribution patterns and the local geology, permitted the identification of the location (at the micro-regional level or less) of clay sources for seven of the compositional groups. The room left for technological choices/styles was determined through reconstruction of the pottery production sequence within its contextual factors. The results indicate that pottery production was not centralised, even at the micro-regional level. Potters from the four geographical micro-regions used different clay sources to produce both distinctive wares and some shared types. However, with the probable exception of the Colima Valley, at least a couple clay sources were simultaneously exploited in each micro-region. In some instances, this reflects product specialisation; in others, it indicates production of the same pottery types by competing workshops. Though the two geographical micro-regions in the Provincia del Colimotl did not escape the micro-regional pattern of the use of local resources and manufacture of distinctive wares, they do offer the only example of pottery-related, deliberate economic interdependence in this study. The pottery was produced by independent specialists who made use of distribution networks restricted to the limits of each polity. However, the red-on-cream jars made in the Salado River basin were widely distributed throughout all of the regional polities. It is argued that these jars were obtained at the Salado River basin during communal feasts that involved the consumption of pulque. The results indicate the historical depth of the known 16th-centruy regional polities. Despite providing evidence for close interregional interactions and shared ideological beliefs and social practices within the whole Colima region, pottery analysis offers no solid proof that Colima functioned as a single polity during the Late Classic/Epiclassic period.

I examine how political geography affects firms' cost of debt. Policy risk, measured by proximity to political power reflected in firms' position in the country's political map, is negatively related to corporate bond ratings and positively related to firms' cost of debt. I find firms' policy risk can be mitigated by engaging in corporate political strategies like making campaign contributions or lobbying. Consistent with the view that such political strategies effectively protect firms against uncertainty about future policies, I find policy risk has less of an impact on the cost of debt of firms that support more powerful and well-connected politicians in the legislative co-sponsorship network or that spend more money on lobbying. Using a sample of state pension funds' equity holdings, I find that state pension funds exhibit not only local bias but also bias towards politically connected stocks. These politically connected local firms held by state pension funds do not exhibit better performance compared with their local benchmarks not held by these funds before the holding period, and the overweighting of politically connected local firms is negatively related to pension fund returns. My results do not support the information advantage hypothesis that state pension funds exhibit overweighting of local firms because they have an information advantage about home-state firms. I further examine the factors that explain local bias from political perspectives. My results show that local bias is related to public policy integrity and local politicians' congressional connections.

This PhD thesis develops and tests a model of bargaining between foreign investors and domestic institutions in transition countries. For this purpose this research employs a mixed-methods research methodology combining three studies - two macro-level quantitative and one micro-level qualitative - examining various aspects of the relationships between institutional factors and the quality of inward foreign direct investment (iFDI) flows in transition economies (that is, the impact of iFDI on the host country institutional environment). Specifically, emphasizing the circular nature of the relationship between the applied variables, it attempts, firstly, to identify the impact of the institutional environment in post-Soviet and Central and Eastern European countries on the quality of FDI inflows, and, secondly, to determine whether and how this iFDI affects the quality of the host countries’ institutions. The analysis of the presence, size, and direction of the impact of iFDI is pursued through the study of foreign investors’ (FIs) nonmarket strategies with a special focus on political behavior. Despite the growing role of iFDI and of companies with FDI (especially MNEs) as one of the most important rent-seeking interest groups in many economies, the analysis of the impact of iFDI stocks and flows on the host country’s institutional environment has received much less attention than analysis of the impact of host country institutions on iFDI and has, moreover, produced mostly mixed results. This project is intended to fill this gap and to contribute to theory building on the relationships between iFDI quality, foreign investors’ political behavior, various aspects of institutional environment (including institutional voids), and institutional changes in host countries. It finds evidence for the hypothesis that certain combinations of patterns of quality of iFDI and host-country institutional variables determine foreign investors’ (FIs) political influence and political behavior and may also allow them to pursue their economic goals through manipulation of political regimes and, consequently, reshaping of the host country’s institutions in accordance with their strategic goals. The proposed model was tested quantitatively for a sample of 27 post-Socialist countries and qualitatively for the case of Ukraine. The results of all three studies provide evidence in support of this model. In particular, both quantitative panel studies provide evidence for the existence of ‘blind bargaining’ - a model depicting the cognitive situation of a foreign investor who lacks clarity on the situation he/she is in and, as a result is bound to act in conditions of extreme uncertainty due to the high degree of non-transparancy and instability of the “rules of the game” at any given moment and of their propensity for unpredictable change at any time in the future. ‘Blind bargaining’ originates from the specific state and society relationship that can be formed in neo-patrimonial host states where economic decisions are often not directed towards serving national interests, but towards supporting the personal aims of the officials in power. The first quantitative study shows and explains the attractiveness of such countries to riskier investors, who prefer relatively weak political regimes over stronger ones and who reduce their investment inputs once host states become more assertive. This model of relationships leads to the inflow of mostly ‘malign’ FDI (that is, iFDI that has a destabilizing impact on institutional competencies of recipient countries) into these economies. The second quantitative study examines the quality of iFDI flows in 12 post-Soviet states by determining the impact of attracted iFDI on local institutions, as measured by country risk indicators via a pooled regression model. The latter analysis shows that iFDI has a marginally negative effect on some individual country risk measures and a significantly negative effect on others, implying that there is a strong case for questioning the existing orthodoxy according to which the problems of transition can be overcome via increased iFDI. Given the complexity and context-specificity of foreign investors’ political behavior and its impact on host countries’ institutional capacities, this research acknowledges the need for a more targeted analysis at lower levels of aggregation. The thesis addresses this through a qualitative analysis of the relationships between foreign investors and host states in the context of one country - Ukraine. Interviews with company representatives and various experts were conducted to explore how changes in foreign investors’ bargaining power and, as a result, in their strategic choices regarding their political involvement impact the institutional environment in Ukraine. Based on the combination of empirical and theoretical insights described above, a ‘blind bargaining’ model was developed as a special case of the political bargaining model. It provides a comprehensive framework for explaining foreign investor – host state bargaining relationships in neopatrimonial transition economies and reveals several distinctive characteristics of both parties’ behavior in terms of their goals, resources, constraints, the nature of the bargaining process, strategies and outcomes. However, it is suggested that further country-specific tests are necessary to test its applicability beyond the transition countries, particularly in emerging and developing countries.

Orientador: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Banca: José Antonio Segatto / Banca: Milton Lahuerta / Banca: Maria do Socorro de Sousa Braga / Banca: Rachel Meneguello / Resumo: A finalidade desta análise é abordar a dinâmica organizacional do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) no estado de São Paulo, no período entre 1988 e 2006. As questões que motivaram o desenvolvimento da presente pesquisa foram decorrentes do debate permanente acerca do significado dos partidos políticos na atualidade. Partiu-se da hipótese de que a estrutura e as normas institucionais de determinado partido, ou ainda os seus resultados eleitorais, seriam insuficientes para explicar tanto o funcionamento interno como o papel da organização partidária no sistema político-eleitoral. A dinâmica do partido decorreria, isto sim, do resultado das relações entre os filiados, especialmente dos vínculos estabelecidos com os líderes partidários, com vistas a atender seus objetivos políticos. Por meio de uma abordagem que articula os padrões relacionais, os resultados eleitorais e a ocupação de cargos na Comissão do Diretório Estadual do partido, foi possível identificar os fatores que explicam a organicidade e a capilaridade do PSDB/SP. A análise de redes revelou as posições de poder na organização e os atores que as ocuparam ao longo da trajetória do partido. A partir da definição do padrão relacional da organização realizou-se um mapeamento dos atributos e vínculos dos líderes partidários e dos membros que compuseram as diversas gestões da Comissão Executiva do diretório estadual. Os dados obtidos foram referência para análise dos resultados eleitorais do período. Tais procedimentos possibilitaram ainda mapear geograficamente a base eleitoral do partido e identificar a capacidade do capital político de determinados atores de influenciar os resultados eleitorais. Comprovouse a hipótese de que a dinâmica funcional do partido decorreu das relações entre os atores políticos, os quais, por sua vez, consideraram os aspectos institucionais... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This thesis analyses the organizational dynamic of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) in the state of São Paulo, between 1988 and 2006. The questions that motivated the development of this research emerged from the permanent debate around the significance of political parties nowadays. The research stems from the hypothesis that the institutional structure and norms, or even that the electoral results of any given party, would be insufficient to explain its internal functioning and the role of the organization in the political-electoral system. The dynamics of the party arise from the result of the relations between its members, especially in the links established with the party's leaders, in regard to achieving its political objectives. Through a process which articulates the standard relations, the electoral results and the filling of positions on the party's State Directors Commission, the explanatory factors for the PSDB's organizational and capillary dynamics have been identified. The analysis of networks revealed the positions of power in the organization and the actors who have occupied them during the trajectory of the party. After defining the organization's relational model, this study mapped the attributes and links of the party's leaders and members that made up the numerous mandates of the Executive Commission of the State Directory. The results obtained were used to analyze the electoral results of the period. These procedures ensured even to map geographically the electoral base of the party and to identify the capacity of the political capital of specific actors in influencing the electoral results. It proved the hypothesis that the party's functional dynamics arise from the relations between the political actors which consider the institutional aspects to establish their politicalelectoral strategies. The organizational position... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

The corporate political activity field has focused on the study of political capabilities that allow firms to influence governments and regulators. Building on previous studies, this thesis examines a set of capabilities that allow host firms to adapt to rather than influence political environments. Specifically, this set of adaptive political capabilities can be used by firms to confront host country political contexts in emerging economies that share two characteristics: authoritarian regimes and weak institutions. The findings of this thesis show that host firms can develop and use adaptive political capabilities rather than political capabilities to start and sustain their operations in this type of political contexts. This entails attuning firm processes, structures, and practices to local norms and political behaviors, rather than attempting to shape the host country political environment in its own likeness. Our results suggest host firms can develop adaptive political capabilities to enhance their strategic repertoire when starting or sustaining operations in emerging economies with such characteristics. Our contribution is that by using mixed methods, we provide and test several exploratory propositions that support the conceptualization of a framework to guide the development of adaptive political capabilities by host firms and we make explicit a taxonomy of corporate adaptive political strategies that can enable firms to envision how they can adapt to host political contexts.

The corporate political activity field has focused on the study of political capabilities that allow firms to influence governments and regulators. Building on previous studies, this thesis examines a set of capabilities that allow host firms to adapt to rather than influence political environments. Specifically, this set of adaptive political capabilities can be used by firms to confront host country political contexts in emerging economies that share two characteristics: authoritarian regimes and weak institutions. The findings of this thesis show that host firms can develop and use adaptive political capabilities rather than political capabilities to start and sustain their operations in this type of political contexts. This entails attuning firm processes, structures, and practices to local norms and political behaviors, rather than attempting to shape the host country political environment in its own likeness. Our results suggest host firms can develop adaptive political capabilities to enhance their strategic repertoire when starting or sustaining operations in emerging economies with such characteristics. Our contribution is that by using mixed methods, we provide and test several exploratory propositions that support the conceptualization of a framework to guide the development of adaptive political capabilities by host firms and we make explicit a taxonomy of corporate adaptive political strategies that can enable firms to envision how they can adapt to host political contexts.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-12-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:02Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 assumpcao_rps_dr_arafcl.pdf: 2888563 bytes, checksum: 4ea825355519bde8b3b4ad1531ec46dc (MD5) / A finalidade desta análise é abordar a dinâmica organizacional do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) no estado de São Paulo, no período entre 1988 e 2006. As questões que motivaram o desenvolvimento da presente pesquisa foram decorrentes do debate permanente acerca do significado dos partidos políticos na atualidade. Partiu-se da hipótese de que a estrutura e as normas institucionais de determinado partido, ou ainda os seus resultados eleitorais, seriam insuficientes para explicar tanto o funcionamento interno como o papel da organização partidária no sistema político-eleitoral. A dinâmica do partido decorreria, isto sim, do resultado das relações entre os filiados, especialmente dos vínculos estabelecidos com os líderes partidários, com vistas a atender seus objetivos políticos. Por meio de uma abordagem que articula os padrões relacionais, os resultados eleitorais e a ocupação de cargos na Comissão do Diretório Estadual do partido, foi possível identificar os fatores que explicam a organicidade e a capilaridade do PSDB/SP. A análise de redes revelou as posições de poder na organização e os atores que as ocuparam ao longo da trajetória do partido. A partir da definição do padrão relacional da organização realizou-se um mapeamento dos atributos e vínculos dos líderes partidários e dos membros que compuseram as diversas gestões da Comissão Executiva do diretório estadual. Os dados obtidos foram referência para análise dos resultados eleitorais do período. Tais procedimentos possibilitaram ainda mapear geograficamente a base eleitoral do partido e identificar a capacidade do capital político de determinados atores de influenciar os resultados eleitorais. Comprovouse a hipótese de que a dinâmica funcional do partido decorreu das relações entre os atores políticos, os quais, por sua vez, consideraram os aspectos institucionais... / This thesis analyses the organizational dynamic of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) in the state of São Paulo, between 1988 and 2006. The questions that motivated the development of this research emerged from the permanent debate around the significance of political parties nowadays. The research stems from the hypothesis that the institutional structure and norms, or even that the electoral results of any given party, would be insufficient to explain its internal functioning and the role of the organization in the political-electoral system. The dynamics of the party arise from the result of the relations between its members, especially in the links established with the party’s leaders, in regard to achieving its political objectives. Through a process which articulates the standard relations, the electoral results and the filling of positions on the party's State Directors Commission, the explanatory factors for the PSDB`s organizational and capillary dynamics have been identified. The analysis of networks revealed the positions of power in the organization and the actors who have occupied them during the trajectory of the party. After defining the organization's relational model, this study mapped the attributes and links of the party’s leaders and members that made up the numerous mandates of the Executive Commission of the State Directory. The results obtained were used to analyze the electoral results of the period. These procedures ensured even to map geographically the electoral base of the party and to identify the capacity of the political capital of specific actors in influencing the electoral results. It proved the hypothesis that the party's functional dynamics arise from the relations between the political actors which consider the institutional aspects to establish their politicalelectoral strategies. The organizational position... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

This article explores the case of an intermediate group inhabiting the Lurin Valley on the Central Coast of Peru and its role in the valley’s integration within the context of regional politics at the beginning of the Middle Horizon. Thisresearch presents and analyzes how political strategies were constructed in the valley, incorporating data from excavations at the site of Lote B. Additionally, evidence published about other domestic sites in Lurin is discussed in order to partially reconstruct the interaction between distinct segments of Lima society.This work contributes to a better understanding of the Lima culture, and to the reconstruction of its social organization. In a larger sense, we propose that the Lima culture was initially a tradition shared by a number of relatively independent groups that at the end of the Early Intermediate Period, entered into a process of progressive centralization, developing more rigid political organizations and reordering social structures. We posit that the existing intermediate groups in Lurin adopted strategies that permitted them to reformulate these new political contexts. / El presente artículo explora el caso de un grupo intermedio, que habitaba el valle de Lurín, en la Costa Central peruana, y el rol que este cumplió en la integración del valle dentro del contexto político regional, al comienzo del Horizonte Medio. Presentaremos y analizaremos cómo se construyeron las estrategias políticas en el valle, incorporando datos de nuestras excavaciones en el sitio Lote B. Se discute adicionalmente la evidencia publicada proveniente de otros sitios domésticos, para reconstruir parcialmente la interacción de los distintos segmentos de la sociedad Lima. De esta manera, contribuimos a un mejor entendimiento y a la reconstrucción de su organización social. En una manera más amplia proponemos que la cultura Lima inicialmente representó una tradición compartida por varios grupos relativamente independientes, que para el final del Intermedio Temprano, entraron en un proceso de progresiva centralización y desarrollo de una(s) organización(es) política más rígida y un reordenamiento de las estructuras sociales, donde los grupos intermedios existentes en Lurín, adoptaron estrategias que les permitieron reformular estos nuevos contextos políticos.