Le mix instrumental de la politique alimentaire française induit une responsabilisation des acteurs de l’industrie agroalimentaire. Toutefois, ce partage d’enjeux est traversé par des logiques contradictoires. Dans cette étude, nous proposons d’analyser dans quelle mesure les instruments de l’action publique liée à l’alimentation interagissent avec les stratégies des entreprises de l’industrie alimentaire française.Pour y parvenir, nous nous appuyons en particulier sur la logique instrumentale de la politique alimentaire, l’approche par les parties prenantes et la théorie néo-institutionnelle. Nous analysons, grâce à la méthode de l’étude de cas unique, enchâssée, les réactions stratégiques d’une pluralité d’acteurs autour de la politique alimentaire.Cette étude contribue à l’analyse des politiques publiques, dans une perspective organisationnelle en l’appliquant au domaine de l’alimentation.Cette recherche a aussi permis d’identifier des modalités de renouvellement de l’action publique, avec une figure étatique qui se renforce. L’Etat, grâce à la mobilisation intelligente de ces parties prenantes, augmente sa capacité d’influence sur certains pans de la société et de la vie quotidienne des citoyens. Finalement, il semblerait que le désengagement observé de l’Etat soit dans certains domaines à relativiser. Derrière un effacement apparent, l’Etat continue à jouer son rôle mais selon des modalités renouvelées, sans doute plus adaptées au contexte actuel. / The instrumental mix of French food policy induces a responsibility to the players in the food industry . However, this share issue is crossed by conflicting logics. In this study , we propose to analyze to what extent the instruments of public policy related to food interact with the business strategies of the French food industry.To achieve this, we rely particularly on the approach by stakeholders . We analyze , using the method of the single case study , embedded , strategic reactions of a plurality of actors around food policy.This study contributes to the analysis of public policies, an organizational perspective by applying it to the field of nutrition.This research also identified renewal terms of public policy , with a state figure is increasing. The State, through intelligent engagement of these stakeholders , increases its influence on some sections of society and daily life of citizens.Finally , it seems that the disengagement of the state is observed in some areas relative. Behind an apparent deletion, the state continues to play its role, but in a manner renewed, probably more suited to the current context.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-08-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:29:56Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 barbosa_ia_me_mar.pdf: 463478 bytes, checksum: 847b8d126f998ce0a098a498219e721c (MD5) / O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre as transformações na Igreja Católica e seus reflexos no Brasil com as publicações das encíclicas sociais que vão possibilitar o surgimento de movimentos de esquerda na Igreja. Verificam-se, inicialmente, os acontecimentos políticos e as ações católicas que nos levam a uma compreensão das características do catolicismo e seus processos na Igreja Romana e que influenciarão as estratégias políticas e pastorais da Igreja do Brasil, gerando um choque entre clérigos tradicionalistas e reformadores, tendo um reflexo em âmbito mundial durante as discussões por ocasião do Concílio Vaticano II e em nível nacional nas ações sociais da Igreja com a Teologia da Libertação. A Igreja, no afã de evitar a expansão do comunismo e de reafirmar seu poder de influência na sociedade, pautou-se pela Doutrina Social Católica e arregimentou a ação social do laicato. Futuramente os vários grupos e tendências da esquerda católica darão as bases para a formação do Partido dos Trabalhadores. / The work present is a study on the transformations in the Catholic Church and your reflexes in Brazil with the publications of social encyclics that go to possibilite the appearing of left's moviment in the Church. Verify itself initially, the political events and the catholic actions that us take the a comprehension of catholicism's characteristics and your processes in the Roman's Church and that will influence the political strategies and Church's pastoral from Brazil, producing a shock between traditionalist clergymen and reformers, having a reflex in world extent during the discussions by occasions of Vatican II Concil in national level in the social actions of Church with the Relief's Theology. The church in the enthusiasm of to avoid the expansion of communism and of reaffirm your power of influence in the society, lined itself in the Catholic Social Doctrine and Lined up the social action of layman. Futurely the various groups and tendencies of cathollic left, will give the bases to the formation of Workers Party.

Submitted by Jeferson Lana (jeferson.lana@gvmail.br) on 2017-08-30T17:26:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 [Tese] Versão Entregue - Jeferson Lana.pdf: 1365087 bytes, checksum: d919359d3fee994fb310ce4831445230 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2017-08-30T17:28:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 [Tese] Versão Entregue - Jeferson Lana.pdf: 1365087 bytes, checksum: d919359d3fee994fb310ce4831445230 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-31T12:55:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 [Tese] Versão Entregue - Jeferson Lana.pdf: 1365087 bytes, checksum: d919359d3fee994fb310ce4831445230 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-20 / Nesta tese, proponho que o tempo pode ser entendido como uma variável de desempenho das estratégias políticas corporativas – CPS. O racional por trás dessa proposição é que, ao se envolver com a esfera política via doações às campanhas eleitorais como forma de conexão política, as empresas obtêm, entre outros efeitos, maior velocidade nas respostas de processos que envolvam decisões governamentais. A celeridade é vista como uma consequência ao alinhamento político entre empresa e governo. A partir de uma base de dados que contempla todas as decisões de medidas antidumping solicitadas pelas empresas brasileiras entre 2001 e 2017, duas hipóteses testaram os efeitos das CPS no tempo de decisão de tais medidas. Para os testes, foi utilizada regressão linear multivariada com coeficientes robustos e tratamento das variáveis a partir dos conceitos do design de regressão descontínua. Os resultados apontam que as conexões políticas aumentam a celeridade das decisões sobre as medidas de antidumping. Os resultados sugerem ainda que quanto maiores as capacidades políticas das firmas, medidas pela constância do envolvimento político, menor será o tempo de espera pela decisão final das medidas citadas. Assim, esta tese contribui para a evolução da área de CPS ao trazer uma nova face relevante ao debate dos efeitos das conexões políticas: o tempo. Se tempo é dinheiro, a celeridade das decisões governamentais pode ser o pote de ouro da vez. / In this thesis, I propose that time can be understood as a performance variable of corporate political strategies - CPS. The rationale behind this proposition is that, by engaging with the political are through campaign donations as a form of political connection, firms obtain, among other effects, greater speed in the responses of processes involving governmental decisions. Speed is seen as a consequence of political alignment between business and government. Based on a database that includes all the decisions of antidumping measures requested by the Brazilian companies between 2001 and 2017, two hypotheses tested the effects of the CPS in the time of decision of such measures. For the tests, multivariate linear regression with robust coefficients and treatment of the variables were used from the concepts of the regression discontinuity design. The results show that political connections increase the speed of decisions on antidumping measures. The results also suggest that the greater the political capacities of the firms, measured by the constancy of the political involvement, the shorter the waiting time for the final decision of the mentioned measures. Thus, this thesis contributes to the evolution of the CPS area by bringing a new relevant face to the debate on the effects of political connections: time. If time is money, the speed of government decisions may be the new golden pot of our time.

The peruvian political system is characterized by incumbent’s low reelection rates at sub-national level, in that sense, incumbency has been qualified as a disadvantage to politicians in search of reelection. Owing to that, the existence of some cases of mayors that have managed to stay in office for multiple periods of government is surprising; Magdalena del Mar is an exam- ple of it. In this district, Francis Allison has attained reelection in three consecutive elections, obtaining high percentages of vote. For that reason, the present article seeks to explain Allison’s trajectory in the office of district mayor, through political strategies analysis used to manage continuity in office and citizens’ perceptions of themselves. The importance of attributes linked to incumbency are stressed; in that sense, Allison’s success comes from his capacity to satisfy ci- tizens’ needs (using formal and informal governance mechanisms) and from his political ability. To succeeding its aim, the investigation has recourse to data compilation about the municipality; semi-structured interviews to government employees and key actors in civil society; and stratified multistage surveys in the district. / El sistema político peruano se caracteriza por las bajas tasas de reelección del incumbente a nivel subnacional; en ese sentido, la incumbencia ha sido calificada como una desventaja para los políticos en búsqueda de la reelección. Debido a ello, sorprende que, a nivel distrital, existan algunos casos de alcaldes que han logrado mantenerse en el cargo por múltiples periodos de go- bierno. Magdalena del Mar es un ejemplo de ello. En este distrito, Francis Allison ha logrado la reelección en tres períodos consecutivos, con altos porcentajes de votación. Por eso, el presente artículo busca explicar la trayectoria de Allison en el cargo de alcalde distrital a través del análisis de las estrategias políticas empleadas para lograr la continuidad en el cargo y de las percepciones ciudadanas sobre las mismas. Se destaca la importancia de atributos ligados a la incumbencia. De esta manera, el éxito de Allison proviene de su capacidad de satisfacer las necesidades de los ciu- dadanos (a través del uso de mecanismos formales e informales de la gestión gubernamental) y de su habilidad política. Para cumplir su objetivo, la investigación recurre a la recopilación de datos sobre la municipalidad; la realización de entrevistas semi-estructuradas a funcionarios públicos y a actores claves de la sociedad civil; y la aplicación de encuestas estratificadas polietápicas en el distrito.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-04-10T11:48:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigooliveiradasilva.pdf: 5997458 bytes, checksum: 0a46aa567e5e1847c47c94d1947e71db (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-04-11T11:12:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigooliveiradasilva.pdf: 5997458 bytes, checksum: 0a46aa567e5e1847c47c94d1947e71db (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T11:12:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigooliveiradasilva.pdf: 5997458 bytes, checksum: 0a46aa567e5e1847c47c94d1947e71db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-12-21 / PROQUALI (UFJF) / Esta pesquisa investiga o setor ferroviário de cargas brasileiro, especialmente no que tange às estratégias políticas das concessionárias do setor. A partir de 2010, mudanças na postura de atuação do órgão regulador, orientado por diretrizes do Governo Federal, trouxeram um impacto considerável no dia a dia das concessio-nárias ferroviárias de carga. A agência reguladora editou, em 2011, três resoluções que ficaram conhecidas como o “novo marco regulatório” do setor ferroviário de cargas. Logo após da edição de tais resoluções, em 2012, houve o primeiro processo de revisão tarifária do setor. Também em 2012, o Governo Federal lançou o Pro-grama de Investimento em Logística (PIL), em que o modelo atual de concessão, conhecido como de integração vertical, seria alterado para um modelo de passagem livre (open acess). Todas estas mudanças geraram uma intensa movimentação de atores do setor ferroviário de cargas. As concessionárias, juntamente com sua asso-ciação de representação de classe, tentaram influenciar, notadamente o órgão re-gulador, em relação aos impactos prejudiciais que tais medidas causariam às suas atividades. Já os usuários, também com o suporte de suas associações de represen-tação, apoiavam a decisão do órgão regulador em tentar minimizar os efeitos da atuação monopolista das concessionárias. Estes movimentos para influenciar o ator público com poder de decisão em determinada questão de política pública são cha-mados de estratégias políticas empresariais, cujo objetivo é gerar decisões políticas favoráveis à empresa ou ao setor ao qual ela pertence. O sucesso das estratégias políticas depende da construção de uma série de entrelaçamentos entre atores que podem influenciar direta ou indiretamente as decisões em políticas públicas e no marco legal e regulatório. Tais entrelaçamentos se constituem alianças estratégicas, que formatam a rede política de valor das empresas. Contudo, é imprescindível que as estratégias políticas estejam aderentes aos princípios da ética e integridade corporativa. Visando auxiliar as empresas que atuam em setores regulados, em especial as do setor ferroviário de cargas, esta pesquisa desenvolveu um ferramental analítico, na perspectiva relacional, de modo a contribuir para a gestão mais efetiva dessas empresas, considerando as particularidades institucionais do seu contexto e a necessidade de respeitar princípios éticos. Tal ferramental originou-se de uma fundamentação teórica, suportada pelas seguintes teorias: estratégias políticas, regulação econômica, ação coletiva, stakeholders, institucional, agência, redes e ética nos negócios. O ferramental analítico proposto foi refinado por meio de entrevistas com profissionais ligados ao setor ferroviário de cargas, pela análise em profundidade de três processos de mudança regulatória e pala aplicação parcial do ferramental analítico proposto em uma das empresas do setor. O método empregado para se alcançar o objetivo do trabalho foi o estudo de casos, em que se triangulou dados de entrevistas semiestruturadas, documentos públicos e registros em diversas mídias. Como principais resultados, a pesquisa pôde evidenciar os tipos de estratégias políticas empregadas pelas concessionárias ferroviárias de carga em processos específicos de mudança regulatória; a percepção dos entrevistados em relação ao ambiente regulatório; e a postura ética dos atores que compõem o setor ferroviário de cargas. Por fim, o ferramental analítico proposto se mostrou pertinente à realidade das empresas do setor. / This research investigates the Brazilian rail freight sector, especially regarding the strategies of the concessionaires of the sector. As of 2010, changes in the regulatory agency's position, guided by Federal Government guidelines, have brought a considerable impact without day to day rail freight concessions. In 2011, the regulatory agency issued three resolutions that became known as the "new regulatory framework" of the rail freight sector. Soon after the issuance of these resolutions, in 2012, there was the first process of tariff revision of the sector. Also in 2012, the Federal Government launched the Logistics Investment Program (PIL), in which the current concession model, known as vertical integration, was changed to a free passage model. All these changes have generated an intense movement of airports of the railroad of loads. As concessionaires, with their association of class representation, they tried to influence, especially the regulatory body, in relation to the impacts. The users, also supported by their representative associations, supported a decision of the regulator to minimize the effects of the monopolistic performance of the concessions. These moves to influence public power with decision-making power in a particular public policy issue are directed at business strategies, its purpose is to generate business-friendly policy decisions or the quality sector. The success of political strategies depends on the construction of a series of interlacings between actors that can influence directly or indirectly as decisions in public policies and not legal and regulatory framework. Such interlinkages constitute strategic alliances, which form a political network of business value. However, it is imperative that policy strategies adhere to the principles of ethics and corporate integrity. Aiming to assist as companies that operate in regulated sectors, especially as the rail freight sector, this research developed a population analyst, from a relational perspective, in order to contribute to a more effective management companies, considering as institutional particularities of their context. Ethical principles. Such manipulation originated from a theoretical foundation, supported later theories: political strategies, economic regulation, collective action, stakeholders, institutional, agency, networks and business ethics. The analytical project proposed for refining by means of interviews with professionals related to the rail freight sector, for in-depth analysis of three processes of regulated change and partial application of the proposed analytical project in a company of the sector. The method used for the purpose of case studies, in which triangulated data from semi-structured interviews, public documents and records in various media. As the main results, the research could highlight the types of incentive systems used in freight rail concessions in specific processes of regulatory change; a perception of the interviewees regarding the regulatory environment; it is an ethical stance of the actors that compose the railroad cargo industry. Finally, the proposed proposal analyst was relevant to the reality of the companies in the sector.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government.  By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues

La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations