Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

105f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-07-08T12:06:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 _Dissertação.pdf_ Lidiane Freitas Costa.pdf: 782754 bytes, checksum: b5e921bfea773cd2b5baf8db239acedd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-07-09T16:37:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 _Dissertação.pdf_ Lidiane Freitas Costa.pdf: 782754 bytes, checksum: b5e921bfea773cd2b5baf8db239acedd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-09T16:37:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 _Dissertação.pdf_ Lidiane Freitas Costa.pdf: 782754 bytes, checksum: b5e921bfea773cd2b5baf8db239acedd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / CAPES / O principal objetivo deste trabalho é investigar quais são os limites e possibilidades dos agentes coletivos serem bem sucedidos em suas reivindicações políticas. Examinaremos como as organizações negras baianas constroem suas ações coletivas, bem como, buscaremos apreender a dinâmica interna das organizações, como os agentes constroem a ação organizada e quais são os principais problemas enfrentados por estes na construção da ação política. A pesquisa testou a hipótese de que as clivagens raciais, religiosas e político-partidárias constituem entraves para consolidação de alianças políticas entre as organizações dos movimentos negros estudadas. Para fundamentar os achados da pesquisa, nos apoiamos nas considerações de Olson (1965), notadamente sua análise sobre o comportamento dos indivíduos racionais nas modernas organizações, e Sartori (1987), a respeito das decisões políticas, de como elas são eleitas e impostas a todos independentemente de quem toma as decisões. As entrevistas semi-estruturadas, a análise documental e a observação participante forneceram o material de análise necessário para elaboração desta dissertação. Os resultados encontrados sugerem que o arranjo organizativo deficiente das organizações cria obstáculos para a construção da ação coletiva mesmo em grupos pequenos; a dificuldade de mobilização dos membros é um problema que atinge todas as entidades estudadas e cria um importante impasse para o sucesso da ação organizada; as convicções políticas, ideológicas e religiosas dos membros restringem as entidades a pequenos círculos de solidariedade. Por conseguinte, constituem entraves significativos para consolidação de alianças que aumentariam as possibilidades de obtenção de benefícios coletivos, razão de existência destas organizações. The main purpose of this work is to investigate what are the limits and possibilities of collective agents succeed in their political claims. We will examine how Bahia’s black organizations build their collective actions as well as we seek to learn the internal dynamics of the organizations, how the agents build the organized action and figure the main problems faced by them in the construction of political action. The research tested the hypotheses that racial, religious and electoral alliance cleavages constitute obstacles to the consolidation of political alliances among the organizations of the black movements that were studied. In order to substantiate the findings of the research, we rely on considerations of Olson (1965), especially his analysis about the behavior of rational individuals in modern organizations, and Sartori (1987), about political decisions, how they are chosen and imposed to everyone regardless of who makes the decisions. The semi –structured interviews, the documental analysis and the active observation provided the necessary analysis material to elaborate this Master’s thesis. The results obtained suggest that the deficient organizational arrangement of the organizations creates barriers to the building of the collective action even in small groups; the difficulty of mobilizing members is a problem that affects all the studied organizations and creates a significant obstacle for the success of the organized action; the political, ideological and religious convictions of the members restrain the entities to small groups of sympathy. Therefore, they constitute major problems to the consolidation of alliances that would increase the possibilities of obtaining collective benefits, reason of existence for these organizations. / Salvador

La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations