Abstract The main purpose of this study was to understand the relationship between junior high school students' attitudes of political symbols and national identity in Kaohsiung. Principal methods used in this study are literature review, questionnaire survey, correlation method, analysis of variance and regression analysis. Questionnaires of this study were sent to 600 third graders from 25 junior high school in the greater Kaohsiung area. Valid questionnaires were secured from 545 third graders. Six principal study results, which were obtain from data analysis in this study, are stated as follows: 1. The political symbols attitude of junior high school students in the greater Kaohsiung area tended to positive and active. 2. Junior high school students in the greater Kaohsiung area of national identity tended to identify with Taiwan is very strong. 3. There are significant differences in the attitude of political symbols among junior high school students of different backgrounds. 4. There are significant differences in the tendency of national identity among junior high school students of different backgrounds. 5. There are significant positive correlation of in the greater Kaohsiung area among junior high school students' attitudes of political symbols and national identities. 6. Junior high school students' of political symbols attitude in regard to national identity have predictive power. Finally, according to the study results, the following specific recommendations: 1. To select suitable teaching materials, and to make arrangements for appropriate courses. 2. To guide students' positive political attitude, and to encourage students to participate in the democratic political affairs. 3. To encourage students to actively participate in school activities and to be school cadres. 4. To focus on the effectiveness of the formal curriculum, and to help the potential curriculum at the same time. 5.To implement family education, and to establish a good parent-child relationship. 6. We can with the children care about public issues and foster their civic literacy. 7. To revised syllabuses, and to upgrade junior high school students toward national identity. 8. To set out a pragmatic and open-minded review of the principle about politically sensitive issues.

自1989年解除動員戡亂時期以來，台灣社會歷經快速的變遷，政治上，中央民代改選、二二八官方事件報告的出爐、廢國大、開放直轄市市長民選、第一次的台灣省長大規模地區的選舉、也是最後一次；1996年第一次的民選總統，李登輝高票當選，台灣本土意識的高漲，凍省，宋楚瑜出走國民黨獨自參選，直至2000年第二屆的總統副總統選舉，民進黨陳水扁的勝選，形成台灣有史以來第一次政黨輪替；本土化的興起、去中國化的爭議；而競選傳播上，報紙、電視競選廣告的相繼開放、候選人商品化、call in、政論節目的熱潮，選民與媒體多元聲音呈現，1989年至今的台灣變遷不僅快速、多元、更是驚人。 本研究使用內容分析法，探討1991年至2000年國民黨與民進黨具國家認同符號之電視競選廣告，其訊息策略以及政治符號的變化與趨勢；採用『國家』、『台灣』以及『中國』三面向為主要的切入點。 本文研究結果與發現歸納為下列十點： （一） 兩黨均以形象塑造傳達國家認同意識 （二） 民進黨擅長負面攻擊以形塑對手國家認同之『謬誤』 （三） 民進黨與『標榜自己愛台』訊息高度連結；但國民黨標榜『自己愛中華民國』，也同樣『愛台灣』 （四） 國民黨以『中華民國』與民進黨『台灣』認同的競爭 （五） 長期觀察國民黨國家認同模稜兩可 （六） 國民黨形塑多元民族認同，民進黨形塑單一民族認同 （七） 國民黨之『中國』符號為正向，民進黨之『中國』符號為負向 （八） 不同年代國家認同、土地認同、民族認同明顯不同，但歷年『愛台』訊息逐年上升 （九） 單一選區：隱性訴求獨立；複數選區：顯性訴求獨立 形象塑造類型在高層次選舉類型的高使用比例 （十） 長期觀察『台灣』符號成為主流

L’avènement de la démocratie de type libérale a entraîné un reconditionnement des mythes et images du leader politique, en Roumanie. Les événements de 1989 ont entraîné un besoin endémique de créer une nouvelle scène et un véritable imagier des figures politiques roumaines. Cependant, la communication des leaders politiques postcommunistes est soumise à l’héritage de leur passé communiste et des traces laissée par Nicolae Ceausescu dans l’imaginaire collectif. Tributaire de ce lourd héritage, les leaders politiques roumains répondent à un mécanisme qui semble contradictoire au premier abord : ces leaders construisent le terrain politique de la Roumanie contemporaine en même temps qu’ils se construisent eux-mêmes. En cela, ils sont le produit d’une société dont ils semblent être, eux-mêmes, les architectes. Cette double participation à la vie du pays rend donc le cas des leaders politiques roumain très particulier. Toutefois, l’instrumentalisation des mythes et des images permet aux représentants politiques de forger l’archétype du leader démocrate roumain et contribuent à la construction d’un espace politique stable en Europe Centrale et Orientale. / In Romania, the rise of democracy has contributed to modifying political leaders’ myths and images. The 1989 events have led to the vital necessity of creating both a new political landscape and a new set of images attached to political leaders. However, political communication has been influenced and shaped by the Communist past of the current political leaders as well as by the image of Nicolae Ceausescu in collective memory. At first sight, such a heavy legacy seems to have had a contradictory influence on political leaders who have been constructing themselves while building Romania’s contemporary political area. They are both the products and architects of Romanian society. This dual involvement in the country’s life has placed them in a very complex situation. However, the instrumentation of myths and images has given them the possibility not only of building the archetype of Romania’s democratic leaders but also of creating a steady political environment in Central and Oriental Europe.