Si-Tou, Wai Kit. / "September 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-71). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract: --- p.2 / 摘要 --- p.3 / Acknowledgements --- p.4 / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.6 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Galor-Weil Model --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- Basic Structure Model --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2 --- Preferences and Budget Constraints --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3 --- Optimization --- p.13 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Parameterization and Simulation Results by Lagerlof --- p.16 / Chapter 3.1 --- Parameterization and Full Dynamical System --- p.16 / Chapter 3.2 --- Parameter Values and Simulation Results --- p.18 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Theoretical Analysis of the Effects of Exogenous Population Control Policy on the Dynamic System --- p.22 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Simulation Results using China's Data --- p.29 / Chapter 5.1 --- Simulation Results with Exogenous Population Control --- p.31 / Chapter 5.2 --- Simulation Results with Exogenous Population Control and Technological Shocks.. --- p.35 / Chapter 5.3 --- Further Implications --- p.36 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Concluding Remarks --- p.38 / Chapter Appendix A: --- Figures and Tables --- p.42 / Chapter Appendix B: --- Sensitivity Test --- p.67 / References: --- p.69

Since few studies have explicitly focused on the impact of China's one-child-family policy on Chinese women, this thesis is designed to explore this aspect. The implication of the policy for both urban and rural women is studied, particularly its influence on women's fertility behavior, labor roles, and on social, health and family status. The focus of the study is to explore the changes of women's lives associated with the one-child-family policy, and advantages and disadvantages, even contradictions the policy has brought to women's lives.

In China, April 13, 1989 was marked as the "1.1 Billion Population Day." Though it has become the first "demographic billionaire" in the world, China has obtained remarkable results in population control. According to the statement issued by China's National Bureau of Statistics in 1987, the natural population growth rate dropped from 25.83 per thousand in 1970 to 11.28 per thousand in 1985. This has been viewed as an achievement not previously seen in any other population. In the past four decades, the Chinese government has adopted a population policy to organize the fertility transition in a planned way through education, motivation and persuasion. Five communication campaigns have been instituted to implement the policy. The successive family planning campaigns have played a vital role in educating and persuading individuals to accept the new fertility norms advocated by the government. In the communication processes of these campaigns, the strategies used have changed from the media-oriented strategy of the first campaign, to the introduction of an interpersonal approach in the second followed by an integration of media, interpersonal and organisational communication in the three latest campaigns. The integration of the media and interpersonal communication approaches was achieved through group discussion sessions and home visits, in which media messages were mediated and interpreted as a reinforcement to media impact. The group dynamics in the interpersonal communication has played an important role in changing individuals' attitudes towards and behaviour of family planning. As a campaign is an organized activity which requires organizational channels to ensure the conduct of the activity and the flow of information, a well-established organization hierarchy for family planning work has facilitated the management of family planning campaigns and also been regarded as a fundemental element to the success of the later campaigns.

Bibliography : leaves 107-118.

An important question in the analysis of fertility is does the type of marital union matter? Is women's fertility affected by their marital union type? Does being in a monogamous or polygynous union have any effect on the number of children women will have? What is the nature of this difference? Does the social setting play a role? And, what kind of role does it have? Most studies, especially those based on African societies, where polygyny is most prevalent, note that female fertility is negatively associated with polygyny. This dissertation examines the polygyny-fertility relationship among married women in a different social setting, namely in an oil-rich country, that is, the United Arab Emirates. Using data from the 1999 National Family Survey for the Characteristics of the Native Households in the UAE, I was able to examine the effect of fertility using two statistical methods to model my dependent variables: Logistic Regression and Negative Binomial Regression. My findings show that when controlling for numerous biological and social variables, polygyny has a positive effect on women?s current fertility, which is the likelihood of having a baby in the past 12 months, but a negative effect on women?s cumulative fertility, which is the children ever born to them. However, when the number of wives in the union was introduced into the models, polygyny effect on women?s current and cumulative fertility has disappeared, i.e., polygyny no longer has a significant effect on women?s fertility. I discuss the implications of these findings for UAE national policy to increase the fertility of UAE women, an important consideration given that UAE nationals comprise only 20 percent of the UAE population in 2005.

Masteropgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

In the last thirty years an increasing number of governments are taking an interest in the growth rate and age structure of their populations. The chief concern among advanced economies is that pay-as-you-go pension and health care systems for the elderly will be unsustainable as the ratio of younger workers to older beneficiaries shrinks from aging populations. Resistance to reforms such as reduced or delayed benefits, or higher taxes has focused attention on a third option, growing the working-age population. There is a growing consensus on the economic benefits of population growth, a reversal from the 1960s through 80s. Governments try to grow the population through incentives for more children and/or accepting more immigrants. This report compares the population policies of Singapore, the United States, France, and Japan to analyze governments' motives and policy outcomes. Middle-income nations like China and Brazil can learn from the experiences of developed nations to avoid the same predicament in the future. Each government's mix of fertility incentives, immigrants, and guest workers is a product of their economic and political circumstances. The surest way to grow the population, accepting immigrants, is usually the least popular. The most popular is the most unproven, providing benefits for larger families. There is no consensus what the most effective fertility incentives are. Population policy has never been just about the economy, it is steeped in political and cultural visions. Shedding that political baggage is a prerequisite to a more rational, sustainable policy approach to demography. / text

To securitise an issue is to elevate it above politics to security status. At the global level, population growth has been securitised by a number of change agents. They have arrived at an understanding of population growth as existentially threatening and of population control as the best solution. This transformative process took place during the twentieth century and was enabled largely by the United Nations. However, in some Muslim states and societies where population growth is potentially threatening and securitisation of it is necessary, Islamic factors and agents might prevent this from happening. Events and experiences suggest that population control is antithetical to Islam. Muslim states and societies tend to experience higher growth and fertility rates than their non-Muslim counterparts. Furthermore, some Islamic agents have vocally opposed global and national population control objectives. Because of these two occurrences, Islam is assumed to be pro-natalist and anti-population control. It is also assumed that Islam is causal to high fertility and growth and the failure of control efforts. But is this necessarily true? Is population control antithetical to Islam? Moreover, will Islam and its agents prevent the securitisation of population growth by Muslim states and societies? These questions are explored through the case studies of Iran and Pakistan.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1976. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 290-310).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1976. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 290-310).