社會大眾普遍認為台灣乃是一個開放的社會，階級之間存在著流動的可能。然而，由文獻資料以及近期報導皆可發現，台灣的工人確實存在著階級流動障礙，這使得工人階級複製的現象產生。 階級複製不僅確保了資本主義的生產，更延續優勢階級的利益。在此過程中，意識形態扮演了重要角色。對此，文化馬克思主義主張以「文化」作為分析的類別，以瞭解特定階級的常識與生活方式，並進而解構意識形態對特定階級的作用。本研究藉由文獻資料與個案訪談方法，探討工人家庭與學校教育所傳遞的意識形態在階級複製過程中的作用。 雖然，現今本研究無法發掘這些受訪的工人階級，具有後馬克思主義所提的真正解放特質的反抗。然而，即使如此，以葛蘭西的觀點來看，我們可以相信工人階級潛藏的工人意識，將可藉由知識份子的表達與行動而被激發成形。觀察近來台灣的社會運動，我們知道已有知識份子起而行動，進行改革了，而這正是台灣社會開始改變的基礎。 / It is generally believed that Taiwan is an open society in which it is possible to move among classes. However, according to both recent news reports and research literature, there are in fact substantial barriers against class mobility, which, in turn, lead to the emergence of the phenomenon of working class reproduction. Class reproduction not only ensures the proper functioning of the capitalist production process, but also the preservation of the interest of the privileged classes. In this process, ideology plays an important role. Regarding this, cultural Marxism proposes using “culture” as a category for analysis in order to understand the common sense and life style of specific classes and to further deconstruct the effect of ideology on those classes. In this study, we use both reference materials from the literature as well as case studies to investigate the effect of ideology transmitted through working class families and school education on the process of class reproduction. Even though our research cannot ascertain if the working class people interviewed indeed possess the “authentic emancipatory promise” as proposed by the post-Marxists, we still could believe, in accordance to Gramsci’s point of view, the hidden class consciousness of the workers will be realized through stimulation by the expressions and actions of the intellectuals. Through observations of recent social movements in Taiwan, we realize members of the intelligentsia have already started to act to introduce reforms. This will sow the seed for the beginning of a wave of change in the Taiwanese society.

This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.

[pt] Esta dissertação se propõe a trabalhar a forma como o resgate histórico é capaz de referenciar uma compreensão do encontro entre raça e classe no interior do sindicalismo indígena boliviano da segunda metade do século XX. Partindo de uma crítica à qualificação sócio-política da indigeneidade como uma atualização particular da luta de classes no país, o trabalho busca abordar a mediação entre o reconhecimento da diferença, em uma mão, com a afirmação ou reivindicação de um espaço de igualdade, na outra, para entender o complexo processo de negociação que balizou a integração e o reconhecimento político do indígena boliviano, desde a ofensiva latifundiária de meados do século XIX até após a revolução de 1952. A preocupação com sua subjetivação histórica, nesse sentido, intercruza dois processos fundamentais: o regime de suplementação que possibilita a aparência de fechamento significativo e as mediações representativas que condicionam sua visibilidade e possibilidade de ser ouvido. Assim, a partir de uma sobreposição narrativa, propõe-se explorar as liminariedades das categorias analíticas capazes de revelar, em seus traços, formas imiscíveis de ser e agir no interior da comunidade política que possibilitam solidariedades supranumerárias e irredutíveis a uma esquematização cumulativa de enfrentamento da desigualdade por parte de movimentos sociais. / [en] This dissertation aims to discuss the way historical recollection serves as a point of reference to comprehend the encounter, in the second half of the 20th century, between race and class inside the Bolivian indigenous labour movement. Starting from a criticism of the social-political understanding of indigeneity as a particular form of actualization of class struggle in the country, this study discusses the mediation between the reckoning of difference, in one hand, with the assertion or vindication of equality, on the other, as a manner to understand the complex negotiation that fundaments the integration and political recognition of the Bolivian indian, from the estate expansion in mid-19th century to the period that follow the 1952 revolution. Focusing on their historical subjectification, in this sense, overlaps two underlying processes: the supplementary regime that makes possible the appearance of a signifying totality and the representational mediations that condition their ability to be seen and heard. Therefore, through a narrative juxtaposition, it is proposed to explore the liminalities of analytical categories as a way to reveal, in its traces, immiscible forms of being and acting inside a political community that makes possible supernumerary forms of solidarity, irreducible to the schematization of a cumulative confrontation of social movements with inequality.

Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C’est l’utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu’une vie autre qui commence. C’est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu’il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l’utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l’utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l’ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C’est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L’œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L’insatisfaction face à l’existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que « quelque chose manque » forment cet apport d’où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l’imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d’une capacité proprement humaine. / Every man dreams about a perfect world. This is the utopia. The dream of this ideal world inspires many writers and philosophy like Bloch who tells from a beginning an another life. This is be realized with an attitude of revolution. However we ask, if the utopia express dreams, how to can be a tool for apprehender the real world? For overtake this objection, we must consider utopia like a refusal positive from the order introduce and opening for possibility of historic creation. It’s an concret utopia. Bloch’s Books especially the principal of hope offer a base precious for this utopia. The insatisfaction facing the bad feeling trying “every thing lack” shapes this contribution which emerging the utopic consciousness. This consciousness marks a projection which testify that an human ability.