Du Ier décembre 1958 au 15 décembre 2014, l'évolution constitutionnelle, institutionnelle, et sociopolitique de la République Centrafricaine est caractérisée par une instabilité chronique. [...] Tandis que la Constitution Française de la Cinquième République brille depuis le 4 octobre 1958 par sa longévité, le Centrafrique totalise 6 Constitutions en 56 ans (soit en moyenne une Constitution tous les neuf ans), plusieurs Révisions Constitutionnelles, douze Actes Constitutionnels, et une Charte Constitutionnelle de Transition adoptée le 18 juillet 2013, sans oublier l'adoption projetée de la Constitution de la septième République en 2015. Les six Constitutions successives ont établi chacune un régime parlementaire, sauf que celui-ci est hétérodoxe, et n'a jamais fonctionné dans un système parlementariste, mais plutôt dans un système présidentialiste, caractérisé par une hypertrophie de la fonction présidentielle, une concentration et une personnalisation du pouvoir au profit du Chef de l’État. Contrairement à la logique parlementaire, le Chef de l’État nomme et révoque ad nutum le Premier Ministre, et même les Ministres ignorant le pouvoir de proposition du Premier Ministre en la matière. Ce présidentialisme prégnant et omniprésent constitue à n'en pas douter le principal facteur explicatif de l'échec de la greffe du parlementarisme en Centrafrique depuis la première Loi Fondamentale, la Constitution du 16 février 1959. Tout en constituant une des caractéristiques d'une pratique institutionnelle et politique inadéquate et non démocratique, le présidentialisme est source de déformation du pouvoir exécutif. L'effet de contagion jouant, il est aussi facteur de déformation institutionnelle générale. La déformation institutionnelle est également le fait d'une insuffisante considération de l'environnement sociologique sur le plan constitutionnel et institutionnel, d'un défaut de conscience citoyenne favorable, et d'un mimétisme constitutionnel et institutionnel tronqué. Des pans entiers de la Constitution apparaissent souvent comme virtuels. L’exécutif centrafricain dans son ensemble souffre d'un déficit de légitimité, mais est pourtant très puissant et pratiquement quasi-irresponsable. C'est l'évidence du déséquilibre au sein du triptyque constitutionnel pouvoir-légitimité-responsabilité. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs reste formel, donc illusoire. Grâce au culte qui lui est voué, le Chef de l’État investit les autres institutions et capte leurs pouvoirs. C'est alors l 'assainissement du Premier Ministre et des Ministres, la domestication des pouvoirs législatif et judiciaire, et même le ravalement du pouvoir médiatique. Cette thèse se veut une modeste contribution à une ingénierie constitutionnelle et institutionnelle adéquate, une nécessité exigée par ce qui est unanimement reconnu en 2014 comme un État complètement failli, et donc un État Centrafricain à refonder. Sous ce rapport, il est clair que c'est la Constitution qui devra être non seulement la fondation et le pilier principal du nouvel État, mais aussi la sève irriguant et nourrissant les futures institutions. Or, les réflexions et analyses menées dans cette Thèse sont susceptibles d'inspirer les rédacteurs de la Constitution de la septième République dont l'adoption est projetée en 2015. / From December 1st, 1958 to December 15th, 2014, constitutional, institutional and socio-political evolution of the Central African Republic is characterised by a permanent instability. […] While the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic is still applying since its adoption on October 4th, 1958, Central Africa totalizes no less than 6 Constitutions within only 56 years (for a life's duration of 9 years in average for each one). Central Africa counts several constitutional reviews, 12 Constitutional Acts, and a Constitutional Charter of Transition adopted on July 18th, 2013. Furthermore, the country planned to adopt by 2015 another Constitution for the Seventh Republic in place. The 6 successive Constitutions established each one a parliamentary regime, however the latter is strange and never worked as a real parliamentary system but as a presidential one where the President of the Republic concentrates all the powers in his hands as well as he practices a form of personalisation of the presidential function. Contrary to the parliamentary logic, the Chief of State appoints and dismisses ad mitum the Prime Minister, and even the Ministers who actually ignore the power allocated to the Prime Minister to make proposals in the process of appointing the Ministers. This strong and omnipresent presidentialism constitutes the main factor that explains the failure of the idea of a parliamentary system in Central Africa since the first Fundamental Law known as the Constitution of February 16th, 1959. The presidentialism in Central Africa constitutes one of the characteristics of a non­democratic and political inadequacy in the practice of powers, and at the same time, it is also the origin of the deformation of the executive power. This situation produces a contagion's effect. It contributes to a general deformation of the political institutions. The institutional deformation is also the fact of an insufficient consideration of the sociological environment in terms of respect of the Constitution and the normal functioning of institutions, and of a lack of awareness of citizens in favour of it, and of a shortened constitutional and institutional imitation. Some entire provisions of the Constitution often appear as virtual. The Central African executive as a whole suffers a deficit of legitimacy, but nevertheless it is a powerful State and mostly practically irresponsible. This is clearly the fact of the imbalance of the necessary constitutional triptych Power-Legitimacy-Responsibility. The principle of separation of powers remains formal, and so imaginary. Because of his personality cult well celebrated, the Chief of State vests the other institutions with his authority and at the same time takes their powers. Then this is the subjection of the Prime Minister and Ministers, the domestication of legislative and judiciary powers, and even the media suffer the same fate. This thesis that aims to be modest is a contribution to a constitutional and institutional engineering that is appropriate and necessary for Central Africa, which is considered in 2014 as a State completely failed, and then as a country to be rebuilt. Under this report, it is clear that this is the Constitution that shall be not only the foundation and the cornerstone of the New State, but also the sap irrigating and feeding the future institutions of the country. Yet, the reflexions and analyses raised in this thesis may inspire the writers of the future Constitution of the Seventh Republic which adoption is planned for 2015.

Diploma thesis deals with the analysis of the de Gaulle's foreign policy, concretely the belief of François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac in a specific position of France in the world. This deep belief of both presidents in a leading role of France within the international scene is evident on the case of the two wars in the Persian Golf in 1990-91 and 2003 and explains very similar behaviour of two otherwise different presidents and very similar development of both conflicts. At the same time this thesis deals with the transformation of an independent foreign policy, which was established and supported, in connection with the belief in privilege position of France in the world, by the founder of the Fifth republic - general Charles de Gaulle. The tendency to conduct an independent French foreign policy shared both François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac. However with coming of geopolitical earthquake in the years 1989-1991, when the bipolar world disappeared and the then international order has changed, suddenly France lost its space for conduct of its independent policy. This new situation was confirmed by the first war in Gulf during which François Mitterrand did not manage to enforce his own independent policy and finally France became a part of anti- iraqian coalition headed by the USA. The...

The topic of this diploma thesis is direct elections of the President of Slovak Republic in context of other Central European countries - particularly Czech Republic and Poland. The subject of my analysis were selected aspects of presidential election, which I analyzed in the third chapter (in case of Slovakia), dedicated to direct elections of Slovak president in 1999, 2004 and 2009; and in the fourth chapter, which is dedicated to last direct election. Among analyzed aspects (in case of Slovak presidential election) a trend of declining interest in the first round of elections was confirmed; also sooner claiming of candidacy, compared with previous elections. The latter fact is connected with longer and longer pre-election campaign, which is also more and more personal and offensive. The ratio of partisan and non-partisan candidates was in all elections about the same (approx. 3:2 in favor of partisan candidates). In the fifth chapter of the thesis I analyzed these aspects in case of direct presidential elections in Poland and Czech Republic. Then, I compared them. According to analysis, women in Poland almost were not standing for president at all (there were even fewer women candidates than in Slovakia), but in Poland we can see much higher number of very prominent candidates (especially former...

Theme of directly elected President was present on Czechoslovak and Czech political field regularly since 1989. Different proposals rose discussion in media and between the specialists from Political science. Diploma thesis captures the changes of specialized, political and media discussion during the years. The opinion of the Public is present in Public opinion polls. Diploma thesis also describes the circumstances of adoption of the Amendment to the Constitution and of the Implementing Law. Part of the Diploma thesis is also theoretical introduction concerning the regimes from the point of view of their polity and also a chapter about the institution of the president concerning his constitutional formal and informal powers since 1918 till these days.

This article reflects on the treaty-making power of the Congress and the President of the Republic in light of the Peruvian domestic law and International Law (particularly within the framework of the Vienna Convention of 1969 on the Law of Treaties) taking into account the discussions that arose betweenthe legislative and the executive powers regarding the ratification of the Extradition Treaty between Peru and France of 2016. The domestic law applicable to the conclusion of a treaty in Peru establishes that the President of the Republic is the only one who has the power to express the consent of the State to be bound by a treaty through ratification, which has internationallegal effects. The Congress has the power to approve treaties whose provisions are related to topics listed in Article 56 of 1993 Peruvian Constitution. The Congress’ legislative approval implies a parliamentary control regarding the acts of the President. However, Congress cannot compel the President to ratify a treaty (as it was discussed regarding the Extradition Treaty between Peru andFrance) neither issue the ratification. / Este artículo reflexiona en torno a las atribuciones para celebrar tratados que tienen el Congreso y el Presidente de la República a la luz del derecho interno peruano y del Derecho Internacional (en especial, de la Convención de Viena de 1969 sobre Derecho de los Tratados), teniendo en cuenta las discusiones que surgieron entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo con respecto a la ratificación del Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa de 2016. Las normas internas aplicables a la celebración de tratados en el Perú establecen que el Presidente de la República es el único que está facultado para expresar el consentimiento del Estado en obligarse por un tratado al ratificarlo, lo cual tiene efectos jurídicos internacionales. La atribución del Congreso de aprobar los tratados cuyas materias están previstas en el artículo 56 de la Constitución Política del Perú de 1993 implica el control parlamentario a los actos del Presidente. No obstante, el Congreso no puede obligar al Presidente de la República a ratificar un tratado (como se discutió con relación al Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa) ni es competente para emitir una ratificación.

This diploma thesis attends to personnel "purge" in the field of public administration in Czechoslovakia after World War II in a broader context. "The purge" of civil servants is presented in the context of the overall development of the Czechoslovak Republic in the period 1945 -1948 and with the general requests of the postwar "purge". The attention is paid to the status of civil servants, particularly in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and in the postwar period. The next part of this thesis is focused on the activity of the purgatory commissions, which operated on the basis of the Decree of the President. In the selected ministries is performed the analysis and the comparison of the model cases of "purge" of the civil servants.

Dans un pays où le pouvoir se conquiert et ne se conserve que par la force, la fonction du président de la République est en République démocratique du Congo, celle d'un élu du peuple sans l'être réellement; de facto il exerce le pouvoir d'un monarque absolu. Depuis son accession à l'indépendance en juin 1960, la République démocratique du Congo a fait le choix de l'élection comme seul et unique moyen de dévolution du pouvoir politique, notamment de la fonction présidentielle; celle-ci n'a jamais connu d'alternance démocratique. A partir du coup d’État militaire du Lieutenant Général Mobutu, destituant en novembre 1965 Joseph Kasa­vubu, alors démocratiquement élu en juin 1960 par les deux Chambres du Parlement, le recours à la force s'est imposé dans les faits comme l'unique moyen par excellence d'accès au pouvoir. C'est dans cette optique, que s'explique la conquête du pouvoir de Laurent Désiré Kabila par les armes en mai 1997, et son remplacement par son fils, le Général major Joseph Kabila, qui à l'instar d'un prince, a hérité la présidence de la République en janvier 2001, alors que le Congo est une République théoriquement démocratique ! Devenue comme un grand village et une grande chefferie moderne, organisée autour d'un homme, ayant le monopole de l'autorité et revendiquant la grâce et la sacralité du pouvoir (chef) des chefferies traditionnelles, qu'il combine régulièrement avec les habitus patrimonialistes et monarchistes hérités du roi Léopold II, la République démocratique du Congo paraît être un Etat de droit que dans les textes. Le président congolais n'est autre qu'un monarque à la tête d'une République, il a personnalisé l’État, concentré tous les pouvoirs étatiques et exerce sa fonction sans admettre ou tolérer aucun contre-pouvoir. / In a country where power is conquered and maintained only by force, the office of President of the Republic is in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, that of an elected representative of the people without really being one; de facto he exercises the power of an absolute monarch. Since its independence in June 1960, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has chosen elections as the only means of devolving political power, particularly for the presidential office, which has never experimented democratic political change The use of force has become technically the ultimate means of accessing power since the military coup d'état in November 1965 by Lieutenant General Mobutu which finally deposed Joseph Kasa-Vubu who had been democratically elected in June 1960 by the two houses of Parliament. Laurent Désiré Kabila 's conquest relying on weapons power in May 1997 can then be explained. Then Major General Joseph Ka bila took over from his father. He inherited the presidency of the Republic of the Congo like a prince would do in January 2001, though Congo being a democratic republic! The Democratic Republic of Congo has become a great village and a great modern chiefdom, organized around a man, having the monopoly of authority and claiming the grace and sacredness of power (chief) of the traditional chiefdoms, which he regularly combines with the patrimonialist and monarchist habitus inherited from King Leopold Il, but it seems to be a State of law only in the texts. The Congolese president is none other than a monarch at the head of a Republic, he has personalized the state, concentrated ail state powers and exercised the presidential function without admitting or tolerating any counter-power.

Since 1990s of the twentieth century to the present, the so called caretaker governments have served as a political crisis solution in the Czech Republic as well as in Italy. Caretaker government is an institute of temporary cabinets with a non-partisan prime minister. Other members of this type of government are usually non-partisan as well (but not necessarily all of them). This is the main feature that distinguishes the caretaker government from the traditional government led by political parties. The thesis aims to identify common points and circumstances leading to the establishment of caretaker governments on the example of two relatively close parliamentary republics from the institutional design's point of view. It focuses mainly on the status of political parties as it is their failure that leads to the fall of the previous cabinet and to the situation when it is impossible to form a parliamentary majority in order to establish new government led by political parties. Special attention is also paid to a role of the president of the republic. Face to face with weakened political parties, he executes his powers in a more autonomous way in accordance with a presidential accordion theory described by Mauro Tebaldi, especially his powers to appoint the prime minister which fundamentally works...

This diploma thesis deals with the development of interest-based adult education in the Czech lands since the end of Second World War until now. The aim is to provide a view on the development of the functions, aims and content of interest-based adult education based on the study of historical documents. Historical and political context is mentioned. Chosen strategic and legislative documents, which influenced the development of interest-based adult education, are analysed in detail. Both the specifics and the institutional support of interest- based adult education in each epoch are described. Key words: interest-based adult education, public awareness, out-of-school adult education, lifelong learning, Decree of the President of the Republic on Public Awareness, Law on Public Awareness, National Programme for the Development of Education in the Czech Republic, The Strategy of Lifelong Learning in the CR