Based on eighteen months of fieldwork amongst anarchist and anti-authoritarian groups in Athens this thesis focuses on the December 2008 Greek revolt. It is an ethnographic exploration of collective self-organised practices in the public spaces of Athens and the occupied buildings of that period. It posits that these sets of processes were developed in the revolt as politics of subversion of the everyday life which in the thesis is considered both the site of alienation and emancipation. Based on Bourdieu, this study suggests that the everyday practices of subversion in radical politics are habitual dispositions of action that have been developed, based on past events which go as far back as the Greek civil war (1946-49), to establish a political living in the present, a process that is explored based on what Friedman calls ‘mythologisation' . Drawing on De Certeau, Lefebvre and Vaneigem it is argued that these collective dispositions are the productive factors of tactics of the subversion which emerge in the context of everyday situations defined by the particularities of public space, imagination and public memory.This suggests that the revolt was not an organised process to create a counter-hegemony but rather, a multitude of micro-processes which used everyday situations as sites of subversion. This argument is explored based on the notion of the social imaginary as defined by Taylor and Castoriadis. In this thesis imagination is considered to be constitutive of the politics of subversion. Fuelled by past events and habitual dispositions of actions radical political practices in the revolt were formative of an ontological process which imagines and explains the political as personal and the private as public. According to that interpretation the event of the death of Alexandros Grigoropoulos generated sites where official power could be challenged, escaped and confronted by tactics of subversion.

This dissertation aims to evaluate the philosophy of Jurgen Habermas with reference to the arguments it provides for a theory of radical social democratic politics. Habermas is a German philosopher and social theorist whose broad concern is the defence and elaboration of the 'project of modernity'. This means that he wishes to justify modern, developed societies as viable and worthwhile forms of civilization. He attempts to specify and redeem the claim that these societies represent, potentially, the most advanced and rational way of organizing human life. Habermas is committed, among the various political programs which raise this kind of claim and seek to realize it in practice, to a form of radical social democracy. This tradition of theory and practice pursues the task of human emancipation by means of fundamental reforms to the social, cultural, economic and political institutions of contemporary modern societies. Habermas' work can be understood as one of the most systematic contributions to this tradition. The central question guiding the dissertation concerns the theoretical and political adequacy of this contribution. The dissertation establishes two general criteria for evaluating Habermas' work. The first criterion requires identifying the normative foundations of social democratic politics. It is argued that a 'theory of the rational' is needed to satisfy this. Such a theory must demonstrate that the social structures and political institutions of the modern epoch represent an hitherto unprecedented opportunity for the expression of the human capacity for rationality. The exposition of normative grounds for social democratic politics determines the basis for social criticism and political struggle. A theory of the rational, in other words, informs us of why we are struggling. Nonetheless, such a theory, on its own, cannot provide guidance about how to struggle. The second criterion of evaluation relates to this question of 'how', of what theoretical direction can be given to political practice. The dissertation contends, in this regard, that a 'theory of the irrational' is necessary. It is argued that a theory of the irrational offers a framework for orienting social movements in struggles against those obstacles which stand in the way of a further expansion of rationality. Such a theory seeks to understand the irrationality of human life in an effort to recommend political strategies that can intervene prudently in the current state of affairs. It is maintained that a satisfactory construction of both theories is essential for an adequate comprehension of radical social democratic politics. The dissertation pursues this argument by clarifying the nature of three dimensions of 'critique' within Habermas' oeuvre. Conceptions of critique represent methodological frameworks for formulating theories of the rational and the irrational. Habermas deploys these methods of critique throughout his work. It is argued, however, that his application of critique focuses primarily on providing a theory of the rational. The central thesis is that while he offers the rudiments of a theory of the irrational, this theory is underdeveloped. Since this theory addresses the question of how social movements are to struggle, it is argued that Habermas' approach lacks a practical dimension. The dissertation concludes that his contribution in this regard needs to be elaborated more consistently and in more detail. The dissertation represents an internal analysis of Habermas' work. It seeks to ascertain whether his theory achieves the philosophical and political goals required by the tradition of thought to which it belongs. The dissertation contributes to the critical literature on Habermas' writings in three substantial ways. First, it establishes a framework for understanding how the separate elements of his theory fit together. The identification of general criteria with respect to which a theory of social democracy is to be evaluated means that the political purposes of these various elements can be understood more clearly. The tensions between them can also be illustrated. Second, with the help of this framework, the dissertation expands upon and sharpens longstanding criticisms of Habermas' thinking which have pointed to a missing practical dimension. Third, the dissertation identifies theoretical resources, elaborated by Habermas himself, which it is argued can be used to overcome these problems of impracticality. With this, the dissertation also contributes, in a more indirect way, to the current debate about the meaning of and possibilities for social democratic politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Ruiz Balconi.pdf: 102142 bytes, checksum: f001bb6a7c445955b1db64b8a2e005d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-01 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / This paper aims to approach the thought of Gilles Deleuze and his critical reflections on the form of State, the right and sovereignty, through a profound critique of hierarchical systems and arborescent thought that privilege Unity and impose their way of life. Deleuze with his theory of multiplicity makes an interpretation of reality that combines an ontological construction and a reading of the world and society that surprises with a new distribution of beings and things, does not allow for natural unit. Thus, the Deleuzian policy analysis leads to a nodal point of re-elaboration of problems of contemporary political thought that culminate in the analysis of the medium state. Investigate the issues of sovereignty, the relationship between capitalism and state policy; violence and the law; power and social relations, among other things, to observe the genealogy and historical development of social formations and recombinations that develops on individual concepts, minority, autonomy and sovereignty, as well as the relationship between economic processes and structures social power and the state, the issue of war, the entanglement between geopolitics and geo-economics, etc. Deleuze, however, as otherwise Foucault also is sought alternatives to orthodox Marxism, working with a certain resistance to current thinking at the time, to propose, by substituting games, one Nietzscheism and Marxist dialogue, denying the proceeding of "Hegelian-Marxian", changing the dialectic, heteronomy and identities cleaved by a micro-politics of subjectivity. Finally, Deleuze proposes a political practice able to give real emancipation to the subject, a nomadic process of "de-identification" of singularities production. / O presente trabalho se propõe em abordar o pensamento de Gilles Deleuze e suas reflexões críticas sobre a forma Estado, o direito e a soberania, através de uma crítica profunda aos sistemas de pensamentos hierárquicos e arborescentes que privilegiam a Unidade e impõe seu modo de vida aos demais. Deleuze com sua teoria da multiplicidade efetua uma interpretação do real que conjuga uma construção ontológica e uma leitura do mundo e da sociedade que surpreende com uma nova distribuição dos seres e das coisas: não admite unidade natural. Deste modo, a análise Deleuziana da política leva a uma re-elaboração dos problemas nodais do pensamento político contemporâneo, que culminam na análise da forma-Estado. Investigar de maneira mais aprofundadada as questões sobre soberania, a relação entre capitalismo, política e Estado; a violência e o direito; o poder e as relações sociais, entre outros assuntos, para observar a genealogia e o desenvolvimento histórico das formações sociais e recombinações que elas desenvolvem sobre os conceitos de indivíduo, minoria, autonomia e soberania, bem como a relação entre os processos econômicos e estruturas de poder social e do Estado, a questão da guerra, o emaranhamento entre geopolítica e geo-economia, etc. Deleuze, no entanto, como de outra maneira Foucault também faz, procuraram alternativas ao marxismo ortodoxo, trabalhando com uma certa resistência ao pensamento vigente na época, para propor, através de jogos de substituição, um diálogo nietzscheniano e marxista, negando a condução progresista ―hegeliana-marxiana‖, trocando a dialética, a heteronomia e as identidades clivadas por uma micro-política da subjetividade. Por fim, Deleuze propõe uma prática política capaz de dar real emancipação ao sujeito, um processo nômade de "desidentificação‖, de produção de singularidades.

Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après ‎le ‎Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en Syrie. / This research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict.

Notre thèse aura pour objet d’appréhender la complexité du concept de décentralisation au regard de la construction de l’État au Mali. Pour mener cette analyse, nous adopterons la méthode dialectique. Celle-ci nous permettra de comprendre comment la décentralisation, entendue comme outil et modalité d’organisation territoriale, mobilise des « moments » de la formation de l’État qui apparaissent comme nécessairement réciproques et peuvent faire l’objet d’un double emploi entre l’unité et le pluralisme. Cet outil technique offre les moyens d’une instrumentalisation politique qui va former l’usage de la décentralisation au Mali ainsi que la possibilité d’une réflexivité des intérêts locaux dans la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation susceptible d’informer juridiquement cette pratique. En ce sens, la décentralisation se développe, initialement, dans le cadre de l’État malien au sein d’un processus ou l’État se trouve - ou se rencontre lui-même – dans la négation des identités locales ; le prix qui sera à payer sera la perte irrémédiable de son identité « à soi ». Dans cette perspective dialectique, la première phase de la décentralisation exprime le passage de l’État « en soi » à l’État « pour soi » au Mali. Cette première phase va se caractériser par l’intégration de la décentralisation dans une « grammaire politique » [Première partie]. C’est cette dissonance initiale et inhérente à la constitution même de l’État qui implique la seconde phase d’instrumentalisation de la décentralisation au Mali. Cette dernière sera ainsi appréhendée non plus dans une perspective politique mais donnera lieu à une réappropriation juridique de la décentralisation qui devrait favoriser l’intégration de ces différences et des singularités territoriales dans l’État malien [Seconde partie]. C’est cette dialectique qu’exprime selon nous l’usage malien de la décentralisation et l’influence du problème Touareg qui va pousser ce système à ses limites: ce concept apparaissant comme un outil plastique devant évoluer au regard des conjonctures et permettant d’inscrire la continuité de l’État dans la durée. / Our thesis will aim to understand the complexity of the concept of decentralization with regard to the construction of the state in Mali. To carry out this analysis, we will adopt the dialectical method. This will enable us to understand how decentralization, understood as a tool and modality of territorial organization, mobilizes "moments" of the formation of the state which appear as necessarily reciprocal and can be the object of a double use between unity and pluralism. This technical tool offers the means for a political instrumentalisation that will form the use of decentralization in Mali as well as the possibility of a reflexivity of the local interests in the implementation of the decentralization likely to inform this practice legally. In this sense, decentralization develops initially within the framework of the Malian state within a process in which the state finds itself - or meets itself - in the negation of local identities; the price to be paid will be the irremediable loss of one's own identity. In this dialectical perspective, the first phase of decentralization expresses the transition from the state "in itself" to the "for itself" state in Mali. This first phase will be characterized by the integration of decentralization into a "political grammar" [Part One]. It is this initial dissonance inherent in the very constitution of the state that implies the second phase of instrumentalization of decentralization in Mali. The latter will thus be apprehended no longer in a political perspective but will give rise to a legal reappropriation of decentralization that should promote the integration of these differences and territorial singularities in the Malian state [Part Two]. It is this dialectic that, in our opinion, is expressed by the Malian use of decentralization and the influence of the Tuareg problem that will push this system to its limits: this concept appears as a plastic tool that must evolve in the light of conjunctures and allows State continuity in the long term.

Mécène est plus connu pour son rôle de « politique culturelle » sous Auguste que pour son action purement politique. Celle-ci couvrit pourtant des domaines variés : fiscalité, diplomatie, sécurité intérieure, vraisemblablement levée de certaines troupes. Le travail ici présenté peut-être défini comme une explicitation complète et une réévaluation des sources relues sous un angle essentiellement politique. L’étude minutieuse de sa famille et de son entourage permet, en effet, de mettre en évidence sa part dans l’élaboration de l’idéologie impériale et la postérité de ses traits. L’explicitation des éléments de sa carrière et leur intégration dans l’histoire politique générale de la fin de la République et du début de l’Empire permettent également de définir sa place dans le modèle de transition institutionnelle où le non-dit joua un rôle immense. Ses fonctions doivent ainsi être envisagées sous un triple rapport : en regard des institutions républicaines permettant ainsi d’évaluer la part de vérité ou de réalité de la res publica restituta proclamée par Auguste ; en regard du contexte immédiat, permettant d’évaluer la portée des circonstances ou du caractère planifié des réformes d’Octavien/Auguste ; enfin en regard des institutions impériales dont il pourra être considéré comme le « laboratoire ». La fixation de la chronologie de cette carrière permet d’éclairer le champ politique depuis l’année 44 : la nature de ses pouvoirs et sa manière d’occuper ses fonctions permettent de déterminer la coloration politique du régime naissant en constante évolution. Enfin, il est bien clair que Mécène trouve sa spécificité dans ses origines étrusques qu’il revendiquait fermement, quitte à s’opposer aux modèles de restauration morale et « nationale » développés par Auguste de manière contemporaine. Toléré et parfois courtisé parce qu’il portait avec lui le soutien de l’Étrurie et de l’Italie, et qu’il contribuait ainsi à faire entrer ces dernières dans le jeu politique romain, Mécène nous permet de définir avec plus de précision la place occupée par les Italiens dans la politique augustéenne et dans la construction d’identités locales en Italie / C. Maecenas is best known for his role in culture at the beginning of Augustus’ principate than for his political role. He acted however in various fields: taxation, diplomacy, home security and probably levied troops. This work aims at presenting a thorough explanation and reevaluating the sources from a political point of view. The close examination of his family and acquaintances enables me to show the part he played in the elaboration of the imperial ideology and the posterity of his own characteristics as they were depicted. Explaining his carrier and integrating it into the general history of politics at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire, also allows a definition of his position in the institutional transition in Rome. His role must be considered from a triple point of view: in comparison with the republican institutions so as to estimate how true or real was the res publica restituta proclaimed by Augustus; in view of the current context so as to assess the importance of circumstances or the possible planning of Octavian/Augustus’ reforms; finally, in view of the imperial institutions of which he was a sort of laboratory or test bed. Fixing the chronology of his carrier makes it possible to shed light on the Roman political world from 44 b.C. onwards: the nature of his powers, the way of holding his offices makes it possible to determine the real nature of the new regime in constant evolution. Finally, it is very clear that C. Maecenas owes his specificity to his Etruscan origins that he proudly claimed, even if it meant being against the Augustan moral and “national” restoration program. C. Maecenas was tolerated for bringing the support of Etruria and Italy to Augustus: he made them enter the Roman political system and he makes it possible to estimate their positions in Augustan politics and the degree of elaboration of local identities in Italy

Denna studie syftar till att undersöka bioregionalism i relation till urbanisering och globalisering för att identifiera utmaningar som begreppet och rörelsen möter relaterat till dessa trender. Tidigare studier på forskningsfältet är begränsat och utspritt, vilket skapar ett behov av att samla och vidareutveckla det fragmenterade material som finns på området. Studien har genomförts genom en metodtriangulering av kvalitativa metoder i form av litteraturstudie och enkätstudie. Den första metoden syftar till att redogöra för ett vetenskapligt och akademiskt perspektiv medan den andra metoden redogör för ett gräsrotsperspektiv. De två metoderna integrerades sedan i en gemensam diskussion för att ge en mer representativ och heltäckande bild av vilka utmaningar bioregionalismen möter relaterat till trenderna. Resultatet visar att de största utmaningarna för bioregionalismen är att lyckas åstadkomma en kulturell förändring och att få det bioregionala paradigmet erkänt. De största svårigheterna ligger i den pågående dialektiken mellan urban/rural respektive lokal/global. Avslutningsvis konstateras att bioregionalismen i sin ursprungliga form inte är tillräcklig för att förstoras upp på en urban och global skala. För att omfamna dessa trender skulle bioregionalismen förslagsvis behöva utveckla de bioregionala idealen och synkroniseras med andra närliggande koncept. / This thesis aims to investigate bioregionalism in relation to urbanization and globalization to identify challenges that are facing the concept and the social movement related to these trends. Previous studies in this research field is limited and scattered, creating a need to collect and further develop the fragmented material in the area. The study was conducted through a triangulation of qualitative methods in terms of literature study and survey study. The first method aims to describe a scientific and academic perspective, while the second method describes a grassroots perspective. The two methods were then integrated in a joint discussion to provide a further representative and comprehensive picture of the challenges facing bioregionalism regarding the trends. The results show that the greatest challenges for bioregionalism are to succeed in achieving a cultural change and of getting the bioregional paradigm recognized. The greatest difficulty lies with the ongoing dialectic interplay between urban/rural and local/global. Finally the study concludes that bioregionalism in its original form is not sufficient enough to be scaled up to an urban and global level. To embrace urbanization and globalization, bioregionalism would tentatively need to develop its bioregional ideals and be synchronized with other adjacent concepts.

Dans un pays où le pouvoir se conquiert et ne se conserve que par la force, la fonction du président de la République est en République démocratique du Congo, celle d'un élu du peuple sans l'être réellement; de facto il exerce le pouvoir d'un monarque absolu. Depuis son accession à l'indépendance en juin 1960, la République démocratique du Congo a fait le choix de l'élection comme seul et unique moyen de dévolution du pouvoir politique, notamment de la fonction présidentielle; celle-ci n'a jamais connu d'alternance démocratique. A partir du coup d’État militaire du Lieutenant Général Mobutu, destituant en novembre 1965 Joseph Kasa­vubu, alors démocratiquement élu en juin 1960 par les deux Chambres du Parlement, le recours à la force s'est imposé dans les faits comme l'unique moyen par excellence d'accès au pouvoir. C'est dans cette optique, que s'explique la conquête du pouvoir de Laurent Désiré Kabila par les armes en mai 1997, et son remplacement par son fils, le Général major Joseph Kabila, qui à l'instar d'un prince, a hérité la présidence de la République en janvier 2001, alors que le Congo est une République théoriquement démocratique ! Devenue comme un grand village et une grande chefferie moderne, organisée autour d'un homme, ayant le monopole de l'autorité et revendiquant la grâce et la sacralité du pouvoir (chef) des chefferies traditionnelles, qu'il combine régulièrement avec les habitus patrimonialistes et monarchistes hérités du roi Léopold II, la République démocratique du Congo paraît être un Etat de droit que dans les textes. Le président congolais n'est autre qu'un monarque à la tête d'une République, il a personnalisé l’État, concentré tous les pouvoirs étatiques et exerce sa fonction sans admettre ou tolérer aucun contre-pouvoir. / In a country where power is conquered and maintained only by force, the office of President of the Republic is in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, that of an elected representative of the people without really being one; de facto he exercises the power of an absolute monarch. Since its independence in June 1960, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has chosen elections as the only means of devolving political power, particularly for the presidential office, which has never experimented democratic political change The use of force has become technically the ultimate means of accessing power since the military coup d'état in November 1965 by Lieutenant General Mobutu which finally deposed Joseph Kasa-Vubu who had been democratically elected in June 1960 by the two houses of Parliament. Laurent Désiré Kabila 's conquest relying on weapons power in May 1997 can then be explained. Then Major General Joseph Ka bila took over from his father. He inherited the presidency of the Republic of the Congo like a prince would do in January 2001, though Congo being a democratic republic! The Democratic Republic of Congo has become a great village and a great modern chiefdom, organized around a man, having the monopoly of authority and claiming the grace and sacredness of power (chief) of the traditional chiefdoms, which he regularly combines with the patrimonialist and monarchist habitus inherited from King Leopold Il, but it seems to be a State of law only in the texts. The Congolese president is none other than a monarch at the head of a Republic, he has personalized the state, concentrated ail state powers and exercised the presidential function without admitting or tolerating any counter-power.

In the wake of a steady flow of child migrants attempting to cross borders and states’ efforts to restrict immigration, various public controversies have arisen about the rights of asylum-seeking children. The ‘moral gap’ between the outcome of democratically enacted laws and the aim of controlling immigration, on the one hand, and public calls to protect the universal rights of asylum seeking children, on the other, have created a political challenge for Western democracies. This thesis sets out to examine two particular settings in which norms about the rights of asylum-seeking children and immigration control have been established and contested over the years: the Swedish Migration Court of Appeal and Sweden’s largest morning paper, Dagens Nyheter. It combines empirically oriented analysis with theoretical enquiry, and it brings the issue of the rights of asylumseeking children into dialogue with the contemporary political-philosophical debate about membership, rights and borders. / I kölvattnet av en stadig ström av barn som migrerar över statsgränser har medial rapportering, protester och offentliga diskussioner aktualiserat frågor om asylsökande barns rättigheter. Det ”moraliska glappet” mellan tillämpningen av demokratiskt stiftade lagar i syfte att reglera invandringen,å ena sidan, och offentliga krav på att skydda universella rättigheter för asylsökande barn, å andra sidan, har växt fram som en samtida utmaning för demokratiska stater att hantera. I denna avhandling undersöks två specifika arenor där normer om asylsökande barns rättigheter och immigrationskontroll har etablerats och ifrågasatts under de senaste åren; den svenska Migrationsöverdomstolen och Sveriges största morgontidning, Dagens Nyheter. Avhandlingen kombinerar empiriska analyser med teoretiska undersökningar om asylsökande barns rättigheter i dialog med en samtida politisk filosofisk diskussion om medlemskap, rättigheter och gränser.