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Comme de nombreux pays européens, la plupart des Etats d’Afrique noire francophone ont souscrit au concept mondial de l’autonomie locale, à travers des modifications de leurs Lois fondamentales. Pour sa part, la Loi constitutionnelle camerounaise du 18 janvier 1996 consacre clairement la décentralisation territoriale comme mode principal de gestion de la République. Y sont proclamés, tous les grands principes fondamentaux qui sous-tendent la décentralisation territoriale, notamment la personnalité morale de droit public des collectivités territoriales, la libre administration par des conseils élus, l’autonomie administrative et financière pour la gestion des intérêts régionaux et locaux.Le principe constitutionnel de l’autonomie, décliné selon les cas en autonomie administrative et/ou financière, concept à la mode, mais paradoxalement oublié par la doctrine et objet de vives controverses quant à sa mise en oeuvre, fonde l’intérêt de cette étude. L’ambition est de dégager un concept juridique à partir des expressions d’autonomie administrative et financière, afin de doter les différents acteurs intéressés, notamment l’Etat unitaire Cameroun, d’instruments de mesure susceptibles de permettre une mise en oeuvre effective de la force d’autonomie locale sujette à tant de passions dans les discours politiques de tous bords. / Like many European countries, most French-speaking black African states have endorsed the worldwide concept of local autonomy, through changes to their fundamental Laws. For its part, the Cameroonian Constitution Act of 18 January 1996 clearly dedicated territorial decentralization as the main mode of management of the Republic. Y are announced, all the great fundamental principles underlying the territorial decentralization, notably the legal personality of public law of local councils, self-government by elected councils, the administrative and financial autonomy for the management of regional and local interests.The constitutional principle of autonomy, as the case declined in self-administration and / or financial buzzword, but surprisingly overlooked by the literature and subject of intense controversy about its implementation, establishes the relevance of this study. The ambition is to clear a juridical concept from the expressions of administrative and financial autonomy, to endow the different interested actors, notably the unitary state Cameroon, with measuring instruments that could allow an effective implementation of strength of local autonomy subject to so many passions in political rhetoric from all sides.

La subsidiarité joue, dans le registre du droit public européen, sur deux paliers : celui de la répartition des compétences entre l'Etat et les collectivités territoriales et celui des relations entre les pouvoirs publics et les personnes privées. Applicable à la répartition des compétences entre les autorités centrales et décentralisées d'un Etat, la subsidiarité territoriale est susceptible de justifier la politique de décentralisation et les transferts de compétences subséquents, et de renforcer ainsi l'autonomie locale. Notre thèse cherche à vérifier cette hypothèse, dans le contexte engendré par l'introduction du principe de subsidiarité dans le texte constitutionnel français, à la suite de la révision constitutionnelle de l'année 2003. Le concept d'autonomie locale est, d'abord, circonscrit. Ensuite, sont analysés les changements que la subsidiarité apporte aux limites et au contenu de l'autonomie locale française. Une démarche similaire est appliquée à l'analyse du système juridique roumain, dans le contexte où le principe de subsidiarité est présent dans certains textes normatifs infra constitutionnels régissant les services publics et l'administration publique locale. / In European public law, subsidiarity plays its role at two levels : that of the distribution of competences between the State and the local government units and that of the relations between public authorities and individuals. Applicable to the distribution of competences between central and local decentralized authorities in a State, territorial subsidiarity is likely to justify the decentralization policy and the transfers of competences implied by it, and to enhance, therefore, local autonomy. Our dissertation aims at checking this hypothesis, in the context generated by the introduction of the principle of subsidiarity in the French Constitution, subsequent to its revision in 2003. First, the concept of local autonomy is circumscribed. Then, the limits and the content of French local autonomy are analyzed, from the point of view of the ways in which they have been influenced by subsidiarity. A similar approach follows for the Romanian legal system, in the context in which the principle of subsidiarity appears in certain statutes governing the public services and the local public administration.

Magister Legum - LLM / The unemployment rate in South Africa is alarmingly high. In the year 2018, the unemployment rate was recorded at 27.2%. Many people are forced to do desperate, and even dangerous things in order to sustain themselves. This includes people going into landfills to collect recyclable materials to sell and look for a meal. Collecting and retailing recyclable waste has become an informal source of income for thousands of people in South Africa. Waste pickers are individuals whose survival largely depends on collecting, sorting and selling recyclable waste. Waste pickers are defined as people who “collect, sort and sell reusable and recyclable materials”. They embark on waste picking as a means of survival. Given the fact that informal waste management is not regulated by the government, waste pickers are left vulnerable to exploitation and hazardous working environments. Waste pickers are denied access to landfills by either private companies, where municipalities have outsourced this function, or by municipalities themselves. Depending on the management of the landfill, waste pickers could also potentially be faced with crime on landfills with gangsters robbing them of their recyclables and/or hard earned money.

Community gardens (CGs) have been well studied in several North American cities, but less is known about them in places with emerging CG movements. There are no existing studies on CGs in Miami and the total number of CGs in Miami is unknown, but in the past five years there has been rapid increase in interest on this topic from a variety of stakeholders and organizations. To add to the empirical knowledge of CGs, the author conducted case studies on the six highest profile projects. This exploratory research consisted of 12 semi-structured interviews and analysis of government records and published documents. The findings indicate CGs are very diverse in both their locations across socio-economic areas as well as the spatial strategies of their organizers. The multiple meanings of community and the multiple scales at which CGs are organized illustrate the complexities of such projects. Although CG advocates promote them as ways to achieve community self-reliance, recent critiques have argued that CGs offer some benefits but cannot redress large-scale inequalities. Perhaps these inadequacies are due in part to assumptions that localities are produced exclusively by their residents. This study draws on geographical theory to argue that a relational approach to scale may lead to a more accurate practice and help establish CGs as permanent parts of cities. It concludes that CGs are highly complex and are not simple solutions for community development, and that more care is needed in their advocacy.

Both national equity in healthcare and the county councils’ local autonomy are important values supported by Swedish law. Politically it is a balancing act; how much freedom should the county councils have and to what extent should healthcare be equal throughout the country? The general aim of this dissertation, concerning political governance in Swedish healthcare, is to investigate the tensional values of national equity and local autonomy in the light of current trends in healthcare governance in Sweden. How is this tension manifested? Four studies are included in the dissertation. These studies show that the Swedish state is becoming more active in governing and regulating healthcare, for example by the use of informative governance and legislation, which increasingly rely on monitoring and evaluation of results that are made public. The findings show that the tension between national equity and local autonomy is manifested in increasing emphasis on national equity – or rather national equivalence – which is interpreted in terms of Swedish healthcare being recentralized. Delivery and financing of healthcare are still the responsibilities of the county councils. Planning and arranging – the setting of the regulatory framework – is increasingly taken over by the central state. Although power seems to be transferred from local level to central level, the county councils’ autonomy is only partially restricted, which means Swedish healthcare is still decentralized. However, if the recentralization process proceeds further, the county councils´ autonomy may be seriously challenged. Another challenge is to maintain or strengthen the procedures for democratic legitimacy through citizen participation at the local level. When local autonomy looses ground, it becomes more difficult to tailor healthcare according to local needs and conditions in the county councils, and decisions are taken at greater distance from the citizens.

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Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / Since gaining independence in 1964, Zambia has embarked on a number of reforms, including legislative, aimed at improving the effectiveness of its decentralised system of government. Local government received constitutional recognition in 1996. In 2002, the national government adopted the National Decentralisation Policy (NDP) which was reviewed in 2013. The NDP established Ward Development Committees (WDCs) as the lowest tier of government. It also defined the roles and responsibilities of local authorities, provinces, and national government. The NDP aimed to address, among other things, the problem of poor service delivery in Zambia that was partially attributed to a high concentration of power at the centre. Despite these various legislative and policy reforms, service delivery remained largely poor in many parts of Zambia. Local government still failed to supply potable water, maintain roads, provide proper sanitation and collect refuse on time, among other service delivery failures.

Gaston Defferre aura été ministre de la France d'outre-mer en 1956/1957 sous la IVème République et ministre de l'intérieur et de la décentralisation de 1981 à 1984 sous la Vème République. Si les événements de la guerre d'Algérie - départements qui ne relevaient pas de sa compétence ministérielle - ont « balayé » le régime constitutionnel de la IVème République, la loi-cadre restera comme une initiative éphémère, sauf dans les autres territoires de la France d'outre-mer qui n'accéderont pas à l'indépendance dans les années 1960. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, Gaston Defferre qui avait prédit en 1957 que s'il revenait au pouvoir dans l'appareil de l'Etat, il décoloniserait la province par rapport à Paris, sera chargé dès la mise en place du gouvernement de Pierre Mauroy en juillet 1981 de conduire avec l'appui remarqué du premier ministre, « la grande affaire du septennat de François Mitterrand ». Centrée sur les débats parlementaires des deux périodes étudiées, la recherche démontre qu'il n'est pas anodin de voir derrière ces deux textes, une ambition continue, une capacité d'anticipation incontestable et une parfaite maîtrise des débats parlementaires. A l'heure ou l'acte III de la décentralisation paraît s'enliser dans les méandres et les renoncements, l'acte I de 1982 a montré qu'un homme d'Etat pouvait par la force de ses engagements et sa personnalité, conduire à leurs termes deux réformes législatives majeures dans des contextes très différents, mais puisant toutes les deux dans la promotion des libertés locales / Gaston Defferre will have been a Secretary of overseas France in 1956/1957 under the IVth Republic and a Secretary of inside and the decentralization of 1981 in 1984 under the Vth Republic. If the events of the Algerian War - departments which did not raise his ministerial competence - "swept" the constitutional regime of the IVth Republic, outline law will stay as a short-lived initiative, except in the other territories of overseas France which will not reach the independence in the 1960s. Twenty five years, Gaston Defferre who had predicted in 1957 that if he returned to the power in the state apparatus, he would decolonize the province with regard to Paris, will be in charge from the implementation of the government of Pierre Mauroy in July, 1981 to lead with the support noticed by Prime Minister, " the big affair of the seven-year term of François Mitterrand ". Centered on the parliamentary debates of two studied periods, the search demonstrates that he is not harmless to see behind these two texts, an ambition continues, a capacity of indisputable anticipation and master's degree of the parliamentary debates. At the hour or the act III of the decentralization appears to sink into meanders and renunciation, the act I of 1982 showed that a statesman could by the strength of his commitments and his personality, to lead to their terms two major legislative reforms in very different contexts, but drawing both from the promotion of the local liberties

In line with the principle of local self-governance, Swedish municipalities have a high degree of discretion to manage the goals and execution of public management. However, in recent years, the national influence over local governments has increased, especially the use of targeted government grants. This shows a pattern of ambiguity as the state strive for national equality but the principle of local self-governance allows for local variation in the public welfare. Thus, this study is intended to provide insight into how Swedish municipalities under different conditions perceive and interpret the influence of the national government through economic instruments. In order to explore how the local governments perceive their degree of discretion to manage state grants, this study compares the implementation in four different municipalities of a targeted government grant denominated the “Elderly Care Boost”. By conducting interviews, this study shows that economic incentives make municipalities more susceptible to the national government’s investments and goals, but only if the municipalities view the grant as something supporting their own work. Furthermore, this study shows a paradox or dilemma as the municipalities view the clear instructions for the grant as favourable while, at the same time, these clear instructions also restrict the local government’s discretion. In addition, the study indicates that the municipalities use “framing” and thus attempt to reinterpret the governing of the national parliament as they deem favourable.